


LIBRAR 


OE 
SSS 





LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GALIFORNIA 
LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 


iH "ὦ . y GRE Th: 
‘ret : ae ‘rele y > 
Ὗ 
Nar, Ξ ay 3 “ 
C) *“esseresaene™ 


HT¥S 40 ALISUFAINA FHL 40 AdVeRIT VINBOSITVD 40 ALISUIAINM FHL 40 ΑΥ88|7 


o hte 7 








TFORNIA 





AFORNIA 


ΠΗ 
Tes 


Oe USE er AY, 
SES. 


LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALI 





LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 


UNIVERSITY OF CAL 
WEVEC) : 





UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
In 2008 with funding from 
Microsoft Corporation 


, ; rat as Ὁ ἃ = 
)ν 


g 


1” 


. ᾿ ms 4 ; ἌΝ ray ug ᾽ν ᾿ νι ie : ἐπ 
ὸ "; Ἢ Tait nie a: Same 








ΤΙ ΠΕ 


PHILIPPICS 


DEMOSTHENES. 


Wet Tee 


HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS AND CRITICAL AND 
EXPLANATORY NOTES. 


M. J. SMEAD, PH. D. 


NEW EDITION, REVISED. — 


eo 1 en ἃ 


BOSTON AND CAMBRIDGE: 
JAMES MUNROE AND COMPANY. 


MDCCCLIX, 


Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, 
By JAMES MUNROE & CO., 
In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 


. CAMBRIDGE: 
THURSTON, “MILES,“<AND PRITCHETT, 


eee bd sg 


ΠῚ 
. ,-PRLNTERS: AND ΒΥΕΒΒΟΡΥΡΕΒΒ. 
Φ ὁ oie ped aK a ee be © eas 


PREFACE.) 


‘Few of the ancient authors present such strong claims 
to the attention of the American student as Demosthenes. 
Whether we regard the matter or the form of his discourses, 
or whether we contemplate his character as a patriotic citi- 
zen and statesman, we find throughout an excellence and 
an elevation, which the better we understand the more we 
are compelled to admire. The period of his political career 
embraces one of the most interesting portions of ancient 
history, the last twenty years of the independence of the 
Greek republics and their subjugation by Philip of Mace- 
don; and his writings contain such a full and at the same 
time such a faithful delineation of the manners, institutions, 
laws, and political events of the time, as almost to make 
him the historian of his age. He would merit this title, 
however, not so much by the narration of facts in chrono- 
logical order, as by his masterly manner of appreciating and 
grouping them together, so as rarely to admit a doubt of 
the truth and justness of his conclusions. His orations 
abound in valuable notices of the character and policy of all 
the members of that celebrated confederacy, their antago- 
nisms and affinities, their feuds, jealousies, and coalitions ; 
but they offer a rich mine of information concerning Athens, 
that venerated mother of the liberal arts, whose hegemony 
in all that relates to hich intellectual culture still remains 


undisputed. By the aid of his magic words we are enabled 


iv PREFACE. 


to observe the inward workings of her complicated civil 
organization, her military and naval systems, her legislative 
assemblies, her courts of justice, her revenues, and her 
grand religious festivals at which were produced those 
masterpieces of genius which have been the admiration of 
all succeeding ages. 

The style of Demosthenes, which belongs. to what is 
denominated the mixed genus, is elaborate and studied. 
By this, however, is not meant a laborious striving for 
pointed antitheses, nicely balanced periods, and stately, 
harmonious cadences, that are frequently so monotonous in 
the orations of Isocrates; he did not, with the mass of 
Athenian orators, study to gratify the ear of a refined and 
fastidious audience by beautiful sentiments clothed in mag- 
nificent language, — λέγειν πρὸς ἡδονήν ; but to convince and 
persuade was his great object, to which all other things 
were subservient. He enters the lists with bared weapons, 
prepared for earnest fight, “‘his front bristling with the 
deadliest points of logic,” and, like the spears of that invin- 
cible phalanx founded by his. Macedonian adversary, where- 
ever he moves he bears down everything before him. 
Possessing the fullest confidence in the goodness of his 
cause, he appears rather to contemn the feeble supports of 
artificial ornament. Relying upon the correctness of his 
own judgment, and powerful in the might of truth, he 
enforces our conviction. They who listen to him have no 
choice; they are ashamed to hesitate, they must believe. 
His language, it is true, is polished, but it is the polish of 
steel, and, like the famous sword Balisarda in the hands of 
Ariosto’s hero, it possesses a celestial temper that no earthly 
armor can withstand. 


PREFACE. Υ͂ 


And it is difficult to separate the style of Demosthenes 
from the nervous vigor of his thoughts, so it is difficult to 
separate the orator from the statesman and the man. He 
was a republican, not only by birth and education, but from 
inward conviction. He had carefully studied the history of 
his. country and of the neighboring nations, and had seen 
Greece, and particularly Athens, under the vivifying influ- 
ences of free government, attain such an eminence in 
civilization, and in every thing which was then thought to 
constitute a people’s greatness, that all other lands became 
contemptible in comparison. He elung to civil liberty as 
the supreme good and the parent of all the blessings that 
made: life desirable. Hence his unremitted watchfulness 
for its preservation, and his hatred of all that could under- 
mine it at home or assail it from abroad. His patriotism 
was his ruling principle; from this, as from a fountain, 
flowed his whole administrative policy. From the moment 
_ that he perceived by Philip’s enterprises in the Phocian war, 
that this monarch entertained designs upon the liberties of 
Greece, he made it the aim of his life to defeat him. Thence- 
forward every thing else became subordinate to the task of 
defending his country’s independence against the policy of 
Macedonia. But alas! Athens had then greatly degenerated 
from the Athens of former days: corruption had advanced 
too far to be arrested, and although Demosthenes, by his 
stirring eloquence, by the energy and wisdom of his coun- 
sels, sometimes succeeded in kindling into a flame the 
remains of patriotic emotion among his countrymen, and 
impelling them to strenuous exertion, it was only for a brief 
space; the fitful flashes of light were followed by a deeper 


gloom, until all hope was extinguished on the fatal field of 
a*® 


vi PREFACE. 


Cheronea. But admit all the vicissitudes of the long 
struggle, the most disheartening difficulties, the most immi- 
nent dangers, he remained true to his convictions and 
unshaken in his purposes. From his first participation in 
public affairs to the moment in which he swallowed poison 
in the temple of Neptune, we perceive no deviation from his 
principles, no vacillation, no trace of weakness. Yet his 
strenuous defence of the cause of liberty, and his fearless 
attacks upon the partizans of Macedonia, made him many 
and bitter enemies, whose malice finally succeeded in causing 
him to be misunderstood by his fellow-citizens, as the wise 
Socrates and the just Aristides had been before him. And 
though the Athenians soon recognized their injustice, and 
sought to efface it by the highest public testimonials of 
respect, both before and after his death, yet writers have 
not been wanting, who, inimical to popular freedom, have 
striven to perpetuate those charges against him, of the truth 
of which not the slightest proof ever existed. Pausanias 
has shown that the allegations were wholly groundless, and, 
even in the absence of his testimony, it were incredible that 
a man who had devoted his talents and his fortune for so 
many years to the preservation of his sinking country should, 
at the age of sixty, belie his whole life and pollute his hand 
with a bribe! A recent English writer upon Greece 
(St. John) pays the following well. merited tribute to the 
character of Demosthenes : — 

“If genius could regenerate, could pour the blood of 
youth into the veins of age, could substitute loftiness of 
sentiment, heroic daring, disinterested love of country, 
religious faith, spirituality, for sensual self-indulgence, for 


sordid avarice, for a base distrust in Providence, Demos- 


PREFACE. vii 


thenes had renewed the youth of Athens. The spirit of the 
old democratic constitution breathes through all his periods, 
He stands upon the last defence of the republican world, 
when all else had been carried, the representative of a noble 
but perished race, fighting gallantly, though in vain, to 
preserve that fragment sacred from the foot of the spoiler. 
The passion and the power of democracy seem concentrated 
in him. He unites in his character all the richest gifts of 
nature under the guidance of the most consummate art, and 
doubtless Hume was right when he said, that, of all human 
productions, his works approach the nearest to perfection.”’* 

The orations contained in the present volume were pre- 
pared for publication by the editor during a residence of 
several years in Germany, where he enjoyed the instructions 
of the learned Professors Bekker, Boeckh, and Franz at the 
University of Berlin, and C. F. Hermann at Goettingen. 
Under their able guidance he applied himself to the study 
of the prince of Attic orators, and it was with a mind ani- 
mated by their zeal, and a judgment sharpened by their 
profound criticisms, that he ventured to entertain the hope 
of being able to contribute something to the proper under- 
standing of this author among his own countrymen. Beside 
the valuable aid thus derived, he availed himself of the labors 
of the most distinguished French, Italian, and German 
scholars; many of which, consisting of monographs pub- 
lished in the form of tracts or in scientific journals, have 
never obtained a general circulation, and for that reason are 
almost inaccessible to students in this country. In this 
form has appeared much of what has been done during the 
last twenty years for the critical study of the text, such as 


*Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece, Vol. III. p. 347. 


viii PREFACE. 


a description of the most trustworthy manuscripts of Demos- 
thenes which are preserved in different European libraries, 
accompanied with careful collations, and critical discussions 
of their age, relative value, and other points. The most 
important services in this matter have been performed by 
German scholars, particularly Reiske, Bekker, Voemel, and 
Ruediger, whose excellent contributions have rendered the 
most valuable of those manuscripts available without the 
necessity of personal inspection. 

The groundwork of the text which is contained in the 
best recent editions of Demosthenes was laid by Reiske, 
who had access to a number of ancient manuscripts in the 
libraries of Augsburg and Munich. In his revision, he 
followed mainly the Codex Augustanus Primus, recognizing 
the genuine words of the orator more in that than in any 
of the others. Bekker had the rare fortune of comparing 
for his edition fifteen manuscripis contained in the libraries 
of Paris, Antwerp, and others, some of which agree so 
remarkably with those used by Reiske as to leave no doubt 
of their belonging to the same family. One of them, how- 
ever, the Paris Codex 3, of the tenth century, though 
bearing all the marks of genuineness, was found to differ in 
many respects from any previously known. This Bekker 
adopted as his leading authority, but, while he acknowledged 
its superiority in the main, he did not venture to follow it 
altogether. Since the time of his revision, many of the 
best philologists of Germany have considered this Codex as 
a purer exhibition of the text of Demosthenes than any of 
the rest of the manuscripts, and have expressed their 
decided conviction that all his orations should be restored 


in accordance with it. One of the principal grounds for 


vw 


PREFACE. ix 


this preference. beside the internal evidence of greater Attic 
purity and forcible simplicity of expression, consists in the 
close coincidence between it and other ancient authors, 
especially the grammarians Hermogenes,. Dionysius, and 
others, who cite passages of this orator; and this circum- 
stance affords evidence that it has escaped many of the 
corruptions which other manuscripts have suffered in their 
transmission to modern times. A careful collation of the 
numerous Codices has led to a division of them into branches 
or families, possessing such marked resemblances as prove a 
common descent. Judging from the writings of the gram- 
marians above alluded to, this, distinction must have existed 
at a very early period; and many eminent critics have 
expressed the opinion, that, even in the lifetime of the 
orator, at least two recensions existed. One of these, they 
say, contained the original speeches in the form in which 
they were delivered, and which has been most faithfully 
preserved in the Codex X; the other was a revision of the 
first, made by Demosthenes himself for more general circu- 
lation, as is inferred from the numerous additions made in 
it, and the greater fulness of expression which characterizes 
it; the chief representative of this family being Reiske’s 
Codex Augustanus Primus. A third recension is also as- 
sumed, represented by the Venetian Codex Marcianus F of 
the eleventh century, and the Codex Bavaricus of the 
thirteenth century, which is merely a copy of F; this recen- 
sion, being less accurate than the others, is conjectured to 
have had its origin from some person in the Athenian 
Assembly, who reported the words of the speaker. 

The Paris Codex , which was first employed by Bekker, 


has in later years so much risen in the estimation of the 


x PREFACE 


learned that it has almost revolutionized the text of Demos- 
thenes. As already remarked, it differs considerably from 
all the rest. It is distinguished by remarkable brevity, 
force, and purity. Often one or more words are wanting, 
whereby the thought is incomplete and unintelligible ; such 
gaps have been supplied by a later hand on the margin, and 
these additions are designated by Bekker with the letters yo 
(γραμματικός), which have been retained in this edition. It 
appears probable that these were in some cases the conjec- 
tures of an ingenious and learned reader, but that all were 
not so is evident from the fact, that in many instances the 
supplementary words are confirmed by the citations found 
in the grammarians and rhetoricians. The second recension, 
on the other hand, is marked by many grammatical pecu- 
liarities, but particularly by numerous explanatory additions, 
through which the thought acquires that completeness of 
expression which belongs to the common dialect, without 
varying materially in other respects. 

In no part of Demosthenes does the difference between 
the Codex S and the other manuscripts appear so striking 
as in the Third Philippic, to the peculiar condition of which 
Spengel first directed the attention of critics. This oration, 
which is accounted one of the finest, is found there very 
much abbreviated. Whole sentences and thoughts are 
wanting which are preserved; in the other manuscripts, and 
which in Σ᾽ have been supplied by a later hand upon the 
margin. If we read according to X, nothing appears to be 
wanting to the sense ; all is natural and congruous; a proof 
that it could not be the work of chance; while in several of 
the supplementary passages, particularly in § 8 46 and 75, 


we find a want of coherence strangely at variance with the 


a ὦ 


PREFACE. xi 


orator’s usual perspicuity. These omissions in the Codex 3, 
which, in the present edition, are inclosed in brackets, are 
nevertheless generally written in the true spirit of Demos- 
thenes, a circumstance that renders it extremely probable 
that he added them in his revision, or at least that they 
were supplied from it by another hand, without sufficient 
attention in all cases to congruity. The long passage, for 
example, which embraces the whole of §§ 6 and 7, on pages 
39 and 40, is wanting in the text of the oldest manuscript, 
and is not only unnecessary to the connection, but even 
disturbs it, since what the orator had said in the beginning, 
that all were agreed about the necessity of adopting measures 
for curbing Philip’s insolence, is contradicted in § 6, where 
he says so many are disposed to cast the guilt of commenc- 
ing hostilities upon the Athenians, that it is necessary to 
refute the charge. Yet the whole passage is so clearly in 
the style of Demosthenes, as to admit no doubt of its 
genuineness. Many of the other omissions of Codex J, 
which are found incorporated into the text of other manu- 
scripts, bear traces of having been inserted subsequently to 
_the original composition, so that we possess in the Third 
Philippic the original oration with additions and explana- 
tions by the author. The editor having proposed to himself 
to adhere to the reading of Codex S wherever it seemed 
admissible, could not, as Bekker and Voemel have done, 
consistently receive these passages into the text without a 
mark to designate them; nor, on the other hand, did he 
deem it proper to banish them, like Baiter and Sauppe, to 
the foot-notes, which, for most readers, is nearly equivalent 
to withholding them altogether. 


In composing the commentary, he has endeavored to 


xii PREFACE. 


furnish such information as the student most needs for the 
proper understanding of the author. For this purpose he 
did not hesitate to lay under contribution all the best 
sources to which the kind liberality of the librarians at Berlin 
and Goettingen gave him access, since his object was not 
merely to give the results of his own investigations, but to 
put the reader, as far as consisted with the necessary brevity, 
in possession of what has been done by others for the elu- 
cidation of these orations. Verbal criticism has been 
indulged in only so far ds was needful for the illustration of 
oratorical diction, while much attention has been given to the 
explanation of allusions to usages, institutions, history, and 
political relations. His motive for pursuing this course was 
twofold: first, the student, whose attainments in the Greek 
language qualify him to read Demosthenes, requires rather 
an explanation of things than of words; and secondly, the 
editor hoped, by giving prominence to investigations con- 
cerning the life and manners of the Greeks, to interest 
others, teachers as well as pupils, in a more earnest exami- 
nation of the ingredients that composed the most wonderful 
civilization which the world has ever seen. This knowledge 
constitutes by itself one of the most important aims of clas- 
sical study, since it is requisite for obtaining any just and 
enlarged views of the history of human culture; and 
moreover, in the interpretation of the ancient writings, 
particularly of those which, like the deliberative orations of 
Demosthenes, are the immediate offspring of the times, it 
furnishes aids the value of which cannot easily be overrated. 
For the purpose of presenting a connected view of the cir- 
cumstances that called forth the several orations, and thus 


placing the student, as far as possible, in the position of a 


PREFACE. xiii 


hearer, historical Introductions are prefixed to the notes on 
each Philippic. 

The editor wishes to acknowledge the valuable aid 
rendered him in the printing of the work by his friend, 
Charles Short, A. M., of Roxbury, Massachusetts, by whose 
critical care in the correction of the press, a high degree of 


accuracy, he has reason to believe, has been attained. 


WILLIAMsBURG, Va., June, 1851. 


PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 


In reviewing the notes for the second edition, the author 
has made such additions and corrections as he, in several 
years use of the volume as a class book, has found most 


useful and necessary. 


September, 1859. 








fh ania, 


ae a ae ‘Hee hs ah ey 2 
oe τὰ ib ΠΟΤῚ, 
ἣ ae, ᾿ ᾿ ᾿ τ »Ὰ ‘ar 
Ἢ a Υ ἘΝ thin age 


με 
- 



















ΩΝ δ ΑΒΕ ΜΕ baciaasiecty 


| are a ἬΝ ait ΤΣ ne “iti aie 








᾿ == ; 
les : ts σὸν Δί Ἂν, a 
: Ἢ Η 7 
a ἢ 
a “ ᾿Ξ Ξ oon 
τ = ; ans. ΄ 
= ΜῈΝ 
»» ‘ ᾿ nme wal. es 
ε ‘a ᾿ ν 
ῷ ee ἢ - onl ΄ - ΠΣ ἢ a" 
mae n> a See ke ee ‘ ‘set eh a 
fi ; »- & 7 ἡ ry 
ar δὴν 7 Ν -. tas . — 5S - 
aren Dire te ke a 
1 ons Foe Ὑ τ vie f wr J ἐν ΔΘΑ Ἁ 
A emu Bal! alia | i Ae vie Wek Ce 
iy a = a ἍΝ 
δ Ι ῃ ‘ Clay , ἣ , , * ἣν 
a TR ARIS ee ee ee : 3 ἐν 
et asd “Ὁ. WE δ μεν BRENIG τι ΕΣ ΣΤ te. tb. aes Fat oo ke 9 
4 “we 7 : 





BS δοῦν! ἘΝ ΜΙ ΚΗ ee se eT Ps rps Hake cep tir 4. ΘΙ 


ἡ Fg ane —— " 5 ἘΠ 4 
ι ᾿ ἀραὶ ᾿ λ tt Pe δὼ “Κα Jae FF ieee ; se ks “at Ύ. 
x a thd ᾿ ; ᾿ cis, esi art et 3 lie 

"ἢ ye Ἢ Ms - 


‘ rs Sek ? . y ite « a = 
᾿ ἭΝ Ἦν : ; δ ς Ge 


+. ἴω πὰ ὧν 








EXPLANATION 


OF THE ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGNS USED IN THE 
MARGINAL NOTES ON THE TEXT. 


B. & 5. Oratores Atticit. Ed. J. G. Barrerus et Herm. 
Sauprius. Turici, 1838 — 46. 

Bk. Oratores Αἰεὶ ex Recensione IMM. BEKKERI. 
Berolini, 1824, et Oxonii, 1823. 

Buttm. Larger Greek Grammar. Puitip BUTTMANN. 
13th ed. Andover, 1898. 

Dind. Demosthenis Orationes. Ed. G. DinporF. 
Lipsiw, 1825. 

Fr. Demosthenis Orationes Philippice Novem. Ed. 
F. Franke. Lipsie, 1842. 

Funkh. Obs. crit. Observationes Critice in Demosthenis 
Philippicam Tertiam. Dedit C. H. Funx- 
HAENEL. Isene, 1841. 


Reisk. Oratorum Grecorum que supersunt Monumenta 
Ingenii. Ed. J.J. Retsxe. Lipsie, 1770 -- 
75. 


Rued. Philippice Orationes. Ed. C. A. RUEDIGER. 
Lipsie, 1829 — 33. 


Saup. Demosthenis Orationes Selecte (Bibliothece 
Grece). Ed. Herm. Sauprius. Gothe, 
1845. 


Schaef. Demosthenis Opera. Ed. G. H. ScHarrer. 

Lipsiw, 1821 -- 22. 

δὲ Apparatus Criticus et Exegeticus ad Demosthe- 
nem. Ed. G. H. ScuaEFer. Lipsie et 
Londini, 1824 — 27. 

Speng. Diss. L. Spence tiber die dritte Philtppische 
Rede des Demosthenes. Gelesen in der Sitzung 
der Konigl. Bayerischen Academie der Wis- 
senschaften, den 6 Julius, 1839. 


xvi ABBREVIATIONS AND SIGNS. 


Wig. Ἐς Vicreri de Grace Dictionis Idiotismis Liber. 
Ed. G. Hermann. Ed. [γὰ,  Lipsie, 1834. 

Voem. Demosthenis Opera Grece et Latine. Ed. J.T. 
VoEMEL. Parisiis, 1847. 


Codex Parisiensis Regius, no. 2934. Of the tenth 
century. 

Codex Parisiensis Regius, no. 2935. 

Codex Marcianus, no. 416, in Venice. Of the eleventh 
century. 

Codex Antverpiensis Soc. Jesu, no. 43. Closely ap- 
proaches &. 


Ὁ WR M 


The above MSS. are those on which BEKKER chiefly re- 
lied in making his recension of the text. 


B. Codex Bavaricus, no. 85,in Munich. Of the thirteenth 


century. 
A! Codex Augustanus Primus, no. 485 ) Now in Munich, 
A2 Ξ: “Ὁ: Secundus, ** 441 but formerly in 
A3 ἐξ ἐξ Tertius, ‘“ 432 J Augsburg. 


The foregoing are the principal authorities followed by 
REISKE in his edition. 


Dresd. Codex Dresdensis, of the fifteenth century in 
Dresden. 

G. Codex Gothanus. In Gotha. 

H. or Harl. *  Harleianus, of the thirteenth century. In 


England. One of those collated by Joun - 


Taytor. See Dosson’s edition of the 
Attic Orators, p. xci. 

θ Codex Parisiensis Regius. One of those used by 
MoreEtivs in preparing the Editio Lutetiana 
sive Parisina. 


0. γραμματικός. See Preface, pp. ix. et seq. 
cod. codex. 

codd. codices. 

ef. confer. 

om. omisit, omiserunt. 

pr. S, LT prima manu S, YT. ° 
rec. recepit, receperunt. 

rej. rejecit. 


vulg. Recensio vulgata, vulgo. 


ἃ. «. ge 


AHMOXGENOTS 


ΤΩΝ KATA ΦΙΛΙΠΠΠΟΥ A’ BI’. 





» 











ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥ͂Σ 


OK AT A. OT AD "Στ 


AIBANIOY ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ. 


~~ >; “- , »“" A eee lal , 
Κακῶς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς Φίλιππον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι φερόμενοι 
συνεληλύθασιν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἀθυμοῦντες. Ὃ τοίνυν ῥήτωρ τήν τε 
Σ , “ ’ ’ Ot > A CMa " “ 
ἀθυμίαν πειρᾶται παύειν, λέγων οὐδὲν εἶναι θαυμαστὸν εἰ ῥᾳθυμοῦντες 
te , kK we a : = ae) a 2 6 ᾿Ξ 
κεκράτηνται, καὶ εἰσηγεῖται πῶς ἂν ἄριστα τῷ πολέμῳ προσενεχθεῖεν. 
Κελεύει δὴ δύο δυνάμεις παρασκευάσασθαι, μίαν μὲν μείζω, πολιτικήν, 
Ld bd , \ \ \ ‘ , ΄σ (ere? cus 
ἥτις οἴκοι μένουσα πρὸς τὰς κατὰ καιρὸν χρείας ἕτοιμος ὑπάρξει, ἑτέραν 
aes, Ye 2 ΄ ᾿, κ a5, Ἐς , , 
δὲ ἐλάττω, ξένων ὄντων τῶν στρατευομένων, παραμεμιγμένων δέ, κε- 
, A , A 3 , , ‘ > = , r 
Reve τὴν δύναμιν μὴ ᾿Αθήνησι μένειν μηδὲ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ποιεῖσθαι 
τὰς βοηθείας, ἀλλὰ περὶ τὴν Μακεδονίαν ἀναστρέφεσθαι πολεμοῦσαν 


2 , ef A \ > , ΄ > , ε ἊΝ 
ἀδιαλείπτως, ἵνα μὴ τοὺς ἐτησίας πνέοντας ἐπιτηρήσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἢ 


A aA ε > ΄ , a , ἴ 
καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα. ἡνίκα ᾿Αθήνηθεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν πλεῖν οὐ δυνατόν, 


> a ~ , \ \ \ > , \ ~ > , 
ἐπιχειρῇ τοῖς πράγμασι Kal παρὰ THY ἀπουσίαν THY τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων 
ες , ro > > > A ε A ψς ΑΝ > , 7 
ἁπάντων κρατῇ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἡ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀντιταξομένη δύναμις 


ὑπάρχη. 


Ι ᾿] Χ x A Ν , - ἀν", 

“1. Εν μὲν περὶ καινοῦ τινος πρώγματος προυτίθετο, 
-ν > Ξ , ᾽ N \ / ς n 
ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, λέγειν, ἐπίσχων ἂν EWS οἱ TEL 


“ >] / , 2 / ? Χ 4 ’ 
gto. τῶν εἰωθότων γνώμην ὠπεφήναντο, εἰ μὲν ἠρεσκέ 


" 


δ 


ι 


4° SEM OSGENOYE 'O KATA 
/ a CN ΄ ε / ς / Ἃ tee 3 
τί μοι τῶν ὑπὸ τούτων ῥηθέντων, ἡσυχίαν ἂν HYOV, εἰ 
> , 7 5. ἃ 1 Bek 2 , A 7, / 
€ μὴ, TOT ἂν “AUTOS επείιρωμὴην ἃ γιγνώσκω λέγειν" 
3 Ν NDC MEIN Ὁ 7 ’ / e / 
ἐπειδὴ δὲ “UTEP ὧν πολλώκις εἰρήκασιν OUTOL πρότε- 
/ \ Ν ad ¢ A Ν Ἂ 
ρον συμβαίνει καὶ νυνὶ σκοπεῖν, ἡγοῦμαι καὶ πρῶτος 
> Ν δι “Ὁ 7 )7 τὶ AS us 
5 ἀναστὰς εἰκότως ἂν συγγνωμὴς τυγχώνειν. Et yap εκ 
fa) ΄ / Ν / 3 e / 
τοῦ παρεληλυθότος χρόνου τὼ SeovO ovtot συνεβού- 
Ia ΝΥ ΜΡ tal A Μ 4 
λευσαν, οὐδὲν ἂν ὑμᾶς νῦν ede βουλεύεσθαι. 
- Χ 53 ? 2 / > 3 
2. IIpwrov μεν οὖν οὐκ abuynreov, ὦ ἄνδρες AOn- 
a a a , Ia) 9 1d 4. 
ναῖοι, τοῖς παροῦσι πράγμασιν, οὐδ᾽ εἰ πάνυ φαύλως 
A a a 7, 2 7 2 OA 3 A 
10 ἔχειν δοκεῖ. “O yap ἐστι χείριστον αὐτῶν εκ TOU πα- 
/ , n ~ Ν 4 Λ 
ρεληλυθοτος χρόνου, τοῦτο πρὸς Ta μέλλοντα θελτιστον 
ς , ies ae 2 Pi a , Par > » 9 
ὑπάρχει. Τὶ οὖν ἐστὶ τοῦτο; ὅτι οὐδεν, ὦ ἄνδρες Α4θη- 
a a / 4 ς lal a AN y > 
ναῖοι, TOV δεόντων ποιούντων ὑμῶν κακῶς τὰ πράγματ 
x 3? / 9 Meer; Lae a / 
EXEL. Ἐπει τοι, εἰὐὶ πανθ ἃ προσῆκε πραττόντων 
, 5 Ia? ‘\ 3 Ν 5 BN / / 
15 οὕτως εἶχεν, OVD ἂν ελπὶς ἣν αὐτὼ βελτίω γενέσθαι. 
" > 3 / Ν 3. τὸ ΦΆΥ, 3 7 Q 
3. Επειτ΄ ἐνθυμητέον καὶ παρ ἄλλων ἀκούουσι καὶ 
a 5 / > a 3 / ¢e / 2 ot 7 
τοῖς ELOOTLY AUTOLS ἀναμιμνησκομένοις, ἡλίκην TOT ἐχον- 
4 / 2 - / > ς 
τῶν δύναμιν Δακεδαιμονίων, ἐξ ov χρόνος οὐ πολὺς, ὡς 
: a κ᾿ 7 Iar αν ς a ? / 
καλῶς καὶ προσηκόντως οὐδὲν ἀνάξιον ὑμεῖς ἐπράξατε 
A , 3 > ς / 3 ΩΝ al / * Ν 
20 τῆς πόλεως, GAN ὑπεμείναθ ὑπερ τῶν δικαίων" τὸν 


ἣν 2 / , Ty Ὁ ef A / 
σρρος ἐκείνους πόλεμον. LVOS OUP EVEKA TAVTA λέγω ; 


1 αὐτὸς Bk. Β. & S. καὶ αὐτὸς Y. Al. HL 

2 ὑπὲρ >. Y. 3". A?. H. περὶ Bk. 

3 Ἐπεί τοι, εἰ Bk. Β. & 5. Ἐπεὶ εἴ τοι 3. F.B.A®. ᾿Ἐπειτοίγε, ef 
vulg. J 

4 τῶν δικαίων ἢ Schaef. B. & S. τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν δικαίων Y¥. in 
margine I", vulg. 


®@IAINMOY A’. 5 


πον AA 5 »* » - \ , Ψ ror 
ἐν εἰδῆτε, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναίοι, καὶ θεάσησθε, OTL οὐδεν 
“ ΄ ς ε 2 \ N OO ee 
οὔτε φυλαττομένοις ὑμῖν eats φοβερὸν οὔτ, ἂν ολιγω- 
A A - XN ς a 1 /. θ 3 § / 
ρῆτε, τοιοῦτον οἷον ἂν ὑμεῖς ᾿βούλοισθε ἤ, παραδείγμασι 
’ A / eZ cal / - > ald 
χρώμενοι TH τότε ῥωμῃ τῶν “ακεδαιμονίων, ἧς ExpaTELT 
3 a / a rg je: (a) Ν a n 
ἐκ TOU προσέχειν τοῖς πράγμασι τὸν νοῦν, καὶ TH νῦν 
7 7 2 ἃ 7 > 3 A XN / 
ὕβρει τούτου, δι ἣν ταραττόμεθ᾽ ex τοῦ μηδεν φροντίζειν 
- > A ? Z ς = 5 > lal 
av ἐχρῆν. 4. Εἰ δὲ τις ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, δυσ- 
7 Υ ἊΝ Λ 3 a , 
πολέμητον οἰεται τὸν Φίλιππον εἶναι, σκοπῶν TO TE 
rn A ς ἐδ > + ὃ / Ν ᾿ς X\ 
πλῆθος τῆς ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ δυνάμεως καὶ TO τὰ 
7 7 > ‘: 7, A ͵ " = \ Υ 
χωρία TavTa ἀπολωλεναί τῇ πόλει, ορθῶς μεν οἴεται, 
, , Al. of Υ 7, ey ee 
λογισάσθω μέντοι τοῦθ᾽, OTL εὐχομὲν TOO ἡμεῖς, ὦ av- 
3 rn 7, \ / Ν / \ 
ὃρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, Πύδναν καὶ Ποτίδαιαν καὶ εθωνην καὶ 
/ Ν / n 5 lal ΄ὔ % Ν rn 
πάντα TOV τόπον τοῦτον OLKELOV KUKAM, καὶ TOANG TOV 
Live τ ὦ a ὦ ee > ΄ Sos ae 
μετ΄ ἐκείνου νῦν ὄντων εθνῶν αὐτονομούμενα καὶ ἐλεὺ- 
Ν᾿ a A Ν A δ - as 3 / TiS .] / x 
Gep υπῆρχε καὶ μᾶλλον ἡμῖν ἠβούλετ ἔχειν OLKELWS ἢ 


> / > / ¢e Λ / 7 Μ 
“᾽κείνῳ. 5. Εἰ τοίνυν ὁ Φίλιππος τότε ταύτην ἐσχε 


XN , e > val 3 Ν 3 / 
τὴν γνώμην, ὡς χαλεπὸν πολεμεῖν ἐστὶν ᾿Αθηναίοις 


x a ΣΙ / A ἜΣΕΙ ox , 4 
εἐχουσι τοσαῦὺντ ETTLTELYW LO MOTA Τῆς GAUTOVU Xoepas ἐρῆμον 


Ψ ᾿ς 29% xX i Ν / yY 
OVTa συμμάχων, οὐδὲν ἂν ὧν νῳνὶ πεποίηκεν ἔπραξεν, 


_ 


5 


Par ys 2 , ΄ 3 ΧΕΙ. > » 
οὐδὲ τοσαύτην ἐκτήσατο δύναμιν. AAD εἶδεν, ὦ ἄνδρες 20 


9 -“" A a » - / A / >) 
A@nvaiot, τοῦτο καλῶς εκεῖνος, OTL ταῦτα μὲν ἐστιν 
ad Ν 7 20 A / J / ΡΩΝ, 7 
ἅπαντα Ta χωρία, ἀὔλα του πολέμου ᾿κείμεν ἐν μέσῳ, 


ἐμ ἌΣ. "4 / lal A Ν -“ 3 / Ν al 
φύσει ὃ UTT APN EL TOLS Tapovaet TA TWY ATOYT@MV Kat τοις 


3 Λ val Ν 4 ἃς lal 3 7 
ἐθέλουσι πονεῖν καὶ κινδυνεύειν τὰ τῶν ἀμελούντων. 





1 βούλοισθε B. & S. βούλησθε Bk. 


δ᾿ 9 ᾿κείνῳ Bk. Β. & 5. Σ. cet. codd. ἐκείνῳ. 
πος. i* 


εἰ 
% 


6 AHMOSOCENOYS O KATA 


Ν 7 7 ff a , J 
6. Ka yap τοι ταύτῃ χρησάμενος TH γνωμῇῃ πάντα 
᾿ / em Ας ‘\ ce “Δ ¢. 7 yf 
KATETTPATTAL καὶ EXEL, TA [LEV WS ἂν EXWY TIS ἔχοι πο- 
/ ᾿ XN 4 Ἄς Λ 14 ἈΝ Ν 
λέμῳ, τὰ δὲ σύμμαχα καὶ φίλα ποιησάμενος. Kai yap 
“~ Ν / ‘\ a / 3 4 
συμμαχεὶν καὶ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν τούτοις εθέλουσιν 
Ἁ ἃ Ἃ Cn / Ν , 

5 ἅπαντες, OUS ἂν ὁρῶσι παρεσκευασμένους καὶ πράττειν 
EWA Ὁ \ ΄ Ἃ / > »+ ? a 
εθέλοντας ἃ ypyn. 7. Av τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες APnvaios, 

ἈΠ ΞΟ, ΕΝ Δ Pees ἥ 3 7 7 , 
καὶ ὑμεῖς ETL τῆς τοιαύτης ἐθελήσητε γενέσθαι yvapns 

a 2 / ι / \ «“ - an - a 
νῦν, ἐπειδήπερ οὐ πρότερον, καὶ ἕκαστος ὑμῶν, οὗ δεῖ 

Ἂς 7 2] “Ἁ -“ ΘΝ "A A Λ 
καὶ δύναιτ ἂν παρασχεῖν αὑτὸν χρήσιμον τῇ πόλει, 

10 an » Ν Ν 5" / «“ , ς 7 ς 
πᾶσαν αφεὶς τὴν εἰρωνείαν, ἕτοιμος πρώττειν ὑπάρξῃ, ὁ 

ΧΝ / Dee: 3 / e 3 2 ¢ / ΄ 
μὲν χρήματ ἔχων εἰσφέρειν, ὁ O ἐν ἡλικίᾳ στρατεύε- 
/ > ες a ΝΥ ς n 3 an 3 7 
σθαι, ----- συνέλοντι ὃ ἁπλῶς, ἢν ὑμῶν αὐτῶν ἐθελήσητε 
7 S 7 > SY BN \ ar «“ , 
γενέσθαι καὶ παύσησθ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν ἕκαστος ποιή- 
3 / ‘ Ν / / 2 ¢€ XN ¢ A f 
σειν ἐλπίζων, Tov δὲ πλησίον πάνθ᾽ ὑπερ ᾿αὑτοῦ πρά- 
Ν ΑΝ ς / 3 oie - \ Ν ς Λ ᾿ 
15 few, καὶ τὰ ὑμέτερ αὑτῶν κομιεῖσθε, ἂν θεὸς " θέλῃ, 
Ν Ν de / , 3 / 3 fr 
καὶ τὰ κατεῤῥᾳθυμημένα πάλιν ἀναλήψεσθε, κακεῖνον 
7 Ν ἈΝ ne A δ 3 ΕῚ 7 Ν 
τιμωρήσεσθε. 8. Mn yap ws θεῷ νομίζετ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὰ 
/ / / 3 3 7 3 ἂν Ν a 
TapovTa πεπηγέναι πράγματ᾽ ἀθάνατα, ἀλλὰ καὶ μισεῖ 
Pies N J > Κἡ 3 a - ΝΥ 
τίς ἐκεῖνον καὶ δέδιεν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ φθονεῖ, 
Ν a , a ἢ ibys 3 7 \ 

0 καὶ τῶν πάνυ νῦν δοκούντων οἰκείως “ἔχειν. Kat 
τ yee Nie ae ay N > ͵ " τ 
ἅπανθ᾽ ὅσα περ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις τισὶν ἀνθρωποῖς ενι, ταῦ- 

> a 3. ὦ / Ν / 2 a La 

Ta κἂν τοῖς μετ ἐκείνου χρὴ νομίζειν ἐνεῖναι. ΚΚατέ- 
/ 7 A A 3 Μ 2 > XN 

TINXE μέντοι πάντα ταῦτα νῦν, οὐκ ἔχοντ ἀποστροφὴν 


-» ἑ 


1 αὑτοῦ Β. & S. αὐτοῦ ΒΚ. Voem. 
® θέλῃ omnes codd. praeter F. ἐθέλῃ F. Bk. θέλῃ Voem. 
9. ἔχειν Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ἔχειν αὐτῷ Bk. Voem. 





= 


®@IAIMNDVOY A’. 7 


διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν βραδυτῆτα καὶ ῥᾳθυμίαν, ἣν ἀπαθέ- 
σθαι φημὶ δεῖν ἤδη. 9. “Ορᾶτε γὰρ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾽Α4θη- 
vatot, τὸ πρᾶγμα, οἷ προελήλυθεν ἀσελγείας ἅνθρωπος, 


ἃ Iad “ ςφς χὰ / a / x\ 3} e 
Os οὐδ αἵρεσιν ὑμῖν δίδωσι τοῦ πράττειν ἢ ἄγειν ἡσυ- 


σι 


/ 3 3 > re Ν , ς , e/ 
χίαν, αλλ απείλει και λόγους υὑπερηφανους, ὡς φασι, 
/ Ν 3 “-»;,ϑ 3 3 \ 
λέγει, καὶ οὐχ οἷος ἐστιν ἔχων ἃ κατέστραπται μένειν 
ΟΝ 4 3 > Ἔν ὧδ ΄ if 
ἐπὶ τούτων, αλλ ἀεὶ TL προσπεριβαλλεται καὶ κυκλῳ 
A 4 6 A Ν / / 
πανταχῇ μέλλοντας ἡμᾶς καὶ καθημένους περιστοιχί- 
3.5 3 3 + > a 79? ἃ ἧς 
ζεται. 10. Ποτ᾽ οὖν, ὦ avdpes Αθηναῖοι, ποθ᾽ ἃ χρὴ 
r 3 3 Ν 7 , 3 Ν \ 79 ἢ 3 ᾽ὔ 
πράξετε; ἐπειδὰν TL γένηται; ἐπειδὰν νὴ At ᾿ avayKn i 
5 a Χ / Ν \ , SAC rn Cv ee Χ 
ῃ. Nov de τί χρὴ τὰ γιγνόμεν ἡγεῖσθαι; eyo μεν 
Ν " arty 7 , PF Ν ΓΝ ΝΣ. 
yap οἰομαι τοῖς ἐλευθέροις μεγίστην ἀνάγκην τὴν ὕπερ 
/ >? 7 3 \ ΄ 2 / 
TOV πραγμάτων αἰσχύνην εἶναι. “H βούλεσθε, εἰπε 
/ Chee , / fing Wa / 
μοι, περιίόντες αὑτῶν “πυνθανεσθαι" λέγεταί TL καινόν; 
/ Ν A 7 A Ν ἌΓΟΝ > 
γένοιτο yap av τι καινότερον ἢ Maxedwv ἀνὴρ Αθη- 15 


/ a Ν Ν an ε / A 
ναίους καταπολεμῶν καὶ τὰ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων διοικῶν ; 


ul. Τέθνηκε Φίλιππος ; οὐ μὰ Δί᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσθενεῖ. Τί 


»] ¢ -“ 7, Ν ‘\ “Ὁ - / 7 7 
δ΄ ὑμῖν διαφέρει; καὶ yap ἂν οὗτος τι πάθῃ, ταχέως 
Ὁ lal «“ /. ,ὔ Re ed / 
ὑμεῖς ἕτερον Φίλιππον ποίησετε, ἄνπερ οὕτω προσέχητε 
= 7 Ἂς A > an Ν . : ἣς Ἀ 
τοῖς πράγμασι τὸν νοῦν. Ovde yap οὗτος παρὰ τὴν ® 
ε re oF A 3°? ref vA Ἀ Ν ξς 
αὑτοῦ ῥώμην τοσοῦτον “ἐπηύξηται, ὅσον παρὰ τὴν ἡμε- 


7, δον Ἢ / \ A yy 7 
τέραν ἀμέλειαν. 12. Καίτοι καὶ τοῦτο" εἰ τί πάθοι 


1 ἀνάγκη Σ. Β. & 35. ἀνάγκη τις Bk. Voem. 

2 πυνθάνεσθαι F. pr. Σ. B. Β. & 5. πυνθάνεσθαι [κατὰ τὴν 
ἀγοράν] Bk. pes F 
3 ἐπηύξηται BE. Β ἃ 5. ἐπηύξηκεν Σ. ἐπηύξηκεν F. 


8 : AHMOSCENOYS O KATA 


% “ A 4 I ς n « 2 fire Λ X\ ce “ ¢ “Ὁ 
καὶ τὰ τῆς τύχης ᾿ ἡμῖν, ἥπερ ἀεὶ βέλτιον ἢ ἡμεῖς ἡμῶν 
᾽ an 3 ΄ \ 5 > / + 9 “Ἁ 
αὐτῶν ἐπιμελούμεθα, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ εἐξεργάσαιτο, ἐσθ᾽ ὅτι 

7 ΝΥ + “ xX n / . 
πλησίον μὲν ὄντες, ἅπασιν ἂν τοῖς πράγμασι τεταρά- 
/ 2 , ᾿ ͵΄ 7 « x 
γμένοις ἐπιστάντες ὅπως βούλεσθε διοικήσαισθε, ὡς δὲ 
a 5, Ia / a ἴω 3 7] , 
δνῦν ἔχετε, οὐδὲ διδόντων τῶν καιρῶν Ἀμφίπολιν δέξα- 
# > yf 2 / Ν Tad al 
σθαι δύναισθ᾽ av, ἀπηρτημένοι Kal ταῖς παρασκευαῖς 
\ a , 
καὶ ταῖς γνωμαῖις. 
ε χ 3 PEN , ἜΣ ap), te 
13. “Qs μὲν οὖν δεῖ τὰ προσήκοντα ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντας 
¢ , (4 ς / « 2 / € an Ἂν 
ὑπάρχειν ἅπαντας ετοίμως, ὡς ἐγνωκότων ὑμῶν καὶ 
έν 
ἄν ΄ / N ee , A 
10 πεπεισμένων, παύομαι λέγων, τὸν δὲ τρόπον τῆς Ta- 
A a 3 / s\ Ὁ ZA , 
ρασκευῆς ἣν ἀπωλλάξαι ἂν τῶν τοιούτων πραγμάτων 
rep se FF \ τ a oA Ν / [γι 
ἡμᾶς “οἴομαι, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὅσον, καὶ πόρους οὕστι- 
5 , N 3 ε me) L \ 
VaS χρημάτων, καὶ τἄλλα ὡς ὧν μοι βελτιστα καὶ 
Ψ n A Ν ἊΝ 4 : 
TaxicTa δοκεῖ παρασκευασθῆναι, καὶ δὴ πειράσομαι 
/ Ἂν, ¢ a 3 Μ > r fal 
16 λέγειν, δεηθεὶς ὑμῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοσοῦτον" 
2 N “ > ΄ ͵ Ν ͵ 
14, ἐπείδαν ἅπαντα ἀκούσητε, κρίνατε, μὴ πρότερον 
/ > ΝΥ 2 3 A a Ν Ν 
προλαμβάνετε, pnd ἂν εξ ἀρχῆς δοκῶ τινὶ καινὴν 
ἈΝ Ἃ 3 Λ ἊΝ 'é >? 
παρασκευὴν λέγειν, ἀναβάλλειν pe τὰ πράγμαθ 
‘ee, 
¢ / 6 2 \ ε Ν \ , aie 2 Ἂν 
ηγείσθω. Ov γὰρ οἱ ταχὺ καὶ τήμερον εἰπόντες μά- 
3 ᾿] / / 4 2 Ν. \ és > 7] 
90 λιστ᾽ εἰς δέον λέγουσιν (‘ov γὰρ ἂν τά γ᾽ ἤδη γεγενη- 
, a Ν : / a / eee 
μένα τῇ νυνὶ βοηθείᾳ κωλῦσαι δυνηθείημεν), 15. ἀλλ, 


Δ xX ὃ / v4 ta XN Ν / Ν 
ὃς ἂν δείξη τίς πορισθείσα παρασκευὴ καὶ πόση καὶ 


1 ἡμῖν Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ἡμῖν ὑπάρξει Υ. ἡμῖν ὑπάρξαι in margine &. 
Bk. Voém. 

2 ἡμᾶς Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ὑμᾶς Bk. Voem. 

3 οἴομαι Σ. Β. & 5. ἡγοῦμαι Bk. 

4 (οὐ γὰρ dv .... δυνηθείημεν) Bk. 


ἐπ 4 
> hh ων. 


®IAITIMOY A. 79 


/ a , 7 \ \ , 
πόθεν διαμεῖναι δυνήσεται, ἕως ἂν ἢ διαλυσωμεθα πει- 
/ Ν /. “δ / a 3 a 
σθέντες τὸν πόλεμον ἢ περιγενώμεθα τῶν ἐχθρῶν. 
ec Ν > / An nr / “ nr 
Οὕτω yap οὐκέτι τοῦ λοιποῦ πάσχοιμεν ἂν κακῶς. 


4 xy 
Ι κωλύων εἰ 


> / bo ae A 7 Μ Ν 
Οἰἷμαι τοίνυν eyw ταῦτα λέγειν ἔχειν, μὴ 
Μ 2 Λ / ¢c Ν 53 ς / 
τίς ἄλλος επαγγελλεταῖ τι. Η μεν οὖν υποσχεσις 
“ " Ν \ A > ἢ ἊΝ 7. , 
οὕτω μεγάλη, TO δὲ πρᾶγμ ἤδη τὸν ἔλεγχον δώσει, 
Ν Si εν “ yy 
κριταὶ δ᾽ ὑμεῖς ἔσεσθε. 
ral ‘ / 5 Μ 3 a , 
16. Πρῶτον μεν τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες A@nvaior, τριήρεις 
’ὔ 7 / a 5 93 2 Ν 
πεντήκοντ παρασκευάσασθαι φημι δεῖν, εἶτ᾽ αὐτοὺς 
ef N , Υ ε ee / 7 > 
οὕτω τὰς γνώμας ἔχειν ws, ἐάν TL δέῃ, πλευστέον εἰς 
4 3 ΓΟ 3 A x Ἂς 4 rf e / 
ταύτας αὑτοῖς ἐμβᾶσιν. Πρὸς δε τούτοις, τοῖς ἡμίσεσι 
a € / ε Χ 7 XN are Ν > 
TOV ὑππέων ὑππαγωγους τριήρεις καὶ TAOL LKaVa εὑ- 
/ £ A δ 3 » ς , 
τρεπίσαιν κελεύω. 17. Ταῦτα μεν οἶμαι δεῖν ὑπάρχειν 
ρος Ν > / 7 Ch A 5 / 7 > A 
ἐπὶ Tas ἐξαίφνης ταύτας ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας χώρας αὑτοῦ 
7 ᾽ ͵΄ \ der \ oo ἈΝ 
στρατείας εἰς Πύλας καὶ Χεῤῥόνησον καὶ Ολυνθὸον καὶ 
ὅποι βούλετα Act γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τοῦτ᾽ ἐν τῇ ) 
ὅποι βούλεται. yap ἰνῳ TOUT ἐν TH γνωμῇῃ 
9 A e ς cal 3 A > / ii A 
παραστῆσαι, WS ὑμεῖς EK τῆς ἀμελείας ταύτης τῆς 
+ “ > Μ Ν / ,ὔ 7, ’ 
ἄγαν, ὥσπερ εἰς Ευβοιαν καὶ πρότερον ποτε φασιν εἰς 


ε 7] οὖ ἧς lal / ° /. y+ Δ, 
Αλίαρτον καὶ τὰ τελευταία πρφὴν εἰς Πύλας, tows ἂν 


e / 5», lal Iad r | Ν ᾽ὔ 3 
ὁρμήσαιτε. 18. Ουτοι παντελῶς, οὐδ΄ εἰ μὴ ποιήσαιυτ᾽ 20 


x A ε y / A > , 7 3 7? 
ἂν τοῦτο, ὡς Eywye φημι δεῖν, εὐκαταφρονητον ἐστιν, ἐν 
A. ‘ XN , Ia 2 cal CoA 7 Ν > 

ἢ διὰ τὸν φόβον εἰδὼς EUTPETTELS υμαᾶς (είσεται yap ἀκριυ- 


a SN , TaN e γῆς γῆς, he Λ > μα αν, 
Bas: εἰσὶ yap, εἰσιν οὐ πῶντ ἐξαγγέλλοντες εκείνῷ 


1 κωλύων Bk. Β. & 35. καταλύων Σ. 


5 παραστῆσαι Σ. παραστῆναι Bk. Voem. Β. & 5. ef. Orat. de 


10 AHMOSCENOYS O KATA 


ΡΝ ΝΣ \ l ᾿Ξ δι ς , x a 
wap μων AVUTWY TAELOUVUS TOU €0VTOS) OVX LAV eX) 1) 


παριδὼν ταῦτα, ἀφύλακτος ληφθῇ, μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐμπο- 


Ν a oN Ν 3 / / Sale: δ 2 a / 
δὼν ΄σλειν €7t τῆν ἐκείνου χώωρᾶν ULL), αν ἐνδῷ Καιρον. 


A / Ἂ A a / Ν ad 4 
19. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐστιν ἃ πᾶσι δεδοχθαι φημὶ δεῖν καὶ" 
" ΄ / 95 ἢ XN Ν 7 7 Ι 
5 παρεσκευάσθαι προσήκειν οἶμαι. “Πρὸ δὲ τούτων δύ-, 
/ 3 Μ > c ἣν / | 
vapiv τινα, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, φημὶ προχειρίσασθαι, 
ἴω Cts. \ a / ἂν n 2 a 
δεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἣ συνεχῶς πολεμήσει καὶ κακῶς ἐκεῖνον που- 
’ὔ / / EN wie’ / / XN Ν 
ἥσει (μή μοι μυρίους μηδὲ δισμυρίους ξένους μηδὲ τὰς 
3 ῃ ΄ , 2 ΛΝ τι A / 

- ἐπιστολιμαίους ταυτας δυνάμεις), “ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τῆς πόλεως 
3 7 xX ς ω oe Ἃ / xX = n x 
10 €oTal, κἂν ὑμεῖς ἕνα κἂν πλείους κἂν TOY δεῖνα κἂν 

ς A / / / 7 
οντινοῦν “χειροτονησητε στρατηγὸν, τούτῳ πείσεται 
Ἂν 3 γῇ θ , Q ty Pi J χ , 
καὶ ἀκολουθησει, Kat τροφην ταύτῃ πορίσαι κελεύω. 
2 > 7 Ἂς ¢ 7 Ν , ΄ς / 

20. Hota δ᾽ αὕτη τὶς ἡ δύναμις Kat πόση, καὶ πόθεν᾿ 
Ἂς "ες ed \ - »» 9. ΟἿ ἃ 7 rn PIN 
τὴν τροφὴν. ἕξει, καὶ πῶς ταῦτ᾽ “εθελήῆσει ποιεῖν ; ἐγῶ 
/ 2. 7 x / ma / Ν 
15 φράσω, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τούτων διεξιὼν χωρίς. Ἐένους μὲν 
, Lo Nae ᾽ na? ἃ ΄ — 
λέγω — καὶ ὅπως μὴ “ποιήσητε τοῦθ ὃ πολλάκις υμας. 
» ΓΝ Se / 5 A / 
εβλαψεν" TavtT ἐλώττω νομίζοντες εἶναι τοῦ δέοντος, 
\ a / Dine - / e / 32 na 
καὶ τὰ μέγιστ᾽ ἐν τοὺς ψηφίσμασιν αἱρούμενοι, ETL TO 
, aX κ τῷ rn 2 Ἀ \ ~ 
πράττειν οὐδὲ TA μικρὰ ποιεῖτε' ἀλλὰ τὰ μικρὰ 
7 Ν / 7 / i: 
20 ποιήσαντες καὶ πορίσαντες, τοῦτοις προστίθετε, Gv 
>. 7, / 7 Ν ἊΝ , 
ἐλάττω φαίνηται. 21. Aéyw δὴ τοὺς πάντας στρα- 


τιώτας δισχιλίους, τούτων δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίους φημὶ δεῖν 


Πρὸ δὲ τούτων Σ. Β. ἃ 5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Bk. 

ἀλλ᾽ ἢ Bk. et omnes praeter Saup. qui ἀλλ᾽ ἣ recepit. 
ἔσται 3. Bk. Β ὦ 5. ἔστω vulg. 

ἐθελήσει Σ. Β. & 5. ἐθελήσετε Bk. 

ποιήσητε Codd. ποιήσετε Bk. Β. & 5. 


ark © OO 





®IAINMNNOY A’. 11 








9 7 ᾽ g 7 ti ε ε ὔ n 
εἶναι πεντακοσίους, εξ ἧς ἂν τινος UpLY NALKLAS καλῶς 
͵ ΔΨ 7, Ν f Ν Ν 
ἔχειν δοκῇ, χρόνον τακτὸν στρατευομένους, μὴ μακρὸν 

» > 3 7 \ a - + b A 
‘TOUTOV, ἀλλ ὅσον ἂν δοκῇ καλῶς Eye, ἐκ διαδοχῆς 
Pe] 7 \ > 7. / 5 7 Ν 
ἀλλήλοις, Ἴους δ᾽ ἄλλους ξένους εἶναι κελεύω. Καὶ 

Ν “ e 7 / Χ 7 / > 
μετὰ τούτων ἵππεας διακοσίους, καὶ τούτων πεντήκοντ Ὁ 

3 7 aS, “ Ν ΄ Ν 2 

“Αθηναίους τουλάχιστον, ὥσπερ τοὺς πεζούς, τὸν av- 

Ν 7 , \-. # % ᾽7ὔ 
τὸν τρόπον στρατευομένους. Καὶ ὑππαγωγους τούτοις. 
3 / Ν / + / / a 7 
22. Εἶεν. Te πρὸς tovtos ere; Ταχείας τριήρεις δέκα. 

a , Μ > 7 / x = a 1 , 
Ae yap, ἔχοντος εκείνου ναυτικὸν, καὶ ταχειῶν “τριήρων 

ε , > A ς ΄ ΄, / \ , 
ἡμῖν, ὅπως ἀσφαλῶς ἡ δύναμις wren. [Πόθεν δὴ τού- 10 

e Ν V4 > Xx ἧς A 7 Ν 
τοῖς ἢ τροφὴ γενήσεται; εγὼ καὶ τοῦτο φράσω καὶ 

/ 3 , fd 7 > A 3 "ὌΝ: 
δείξω, ἐπειδών, διότε τηλικαύτην ἀποχρὴν οἶμαι τὴν 

Ψ Ἂς / X , = , 
δύναμιν καὶ πολίτας TOUS στρατευομένους εἶναι κελεύω, 

7 
διδάξω. 
f Y ei ‘ 9 yf > a Ν A 

23. Τοσαύτην μεν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, διὰ ταῦτα, 16 

Ὁ 3 x a ere / ΄ Χ ap 
ὅτι οὐκ evs νῦν ἡμιν πορίσασθαι δύναμιν τὴν ἐκείνῳ 
/ 3 Ν Δ 3 , ἢ ΄ a 
παραταξομένην, ἀλλὰ λῃστεύειν ἀναγκὴ καὶ τούτῳ TO 

/ A / A Ἄν / 2 / 
τρόπῳ τοῦ πολέμου χρῆσθαι τὴν πρώτην. Ov τοίνυν 

ΕΙΣ.) Riise 2 Ν ya \ ar , ar 
ὑπέρογκον αὐτήν (ov yap ἔστι μισθὸς οὐδὲ τροφή) οὐδὲ 

᾿ a x 3 A 7 XN cr 

παντελῶς ταπεινὴν εἶναι Set. Πολίτας δὲ παρεῖναι 920 

A rn ὃ Ν A ΄ 7? N , , > 
καὶ συμπλεῖν δια ταῦτα κελεύω, OTL καὶ πρότερον TOT 

2 ΄ Ν / ? / » , Ὁ 
ἀκούω ἕενικὸν τρέφειν ev Κορίνθῳ τὴν πόλιν, ov Πο- 
/ ς rn ea 7 \ / Mia he 
λύστρατος ἡγεῖτο καὶ ᾿Ιφικράτης καὶ Χαβρίας καὶ ar- 

/ Ν ? ‘ ς a 4 XN 3.0.3 
λοι τινες, καὶ αὑτους ὑμᾶς συστρατεύεσθαι. Καὶ oid 


5 Pon τ Ὁ , f° See νι 
ἀκούων ὅτε Aaxedatpoviovs παραταττόμενοι μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν % 


1 τριήρων Bk. τριηρῶν Σ. F. Υ. 





1. AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


 eey 4 © ¢ / Ν ¢ “ 3,9 7 3 
ἐνίκων οὗτοι οἱ ἕένοι καὶ ὑμεῖς μετ΄ ἐκείνων. 94. EE 


ΓΤ Ὁ aN > es x Ae eae, 7 \ 
ov δ᾽ αὐτὰ καθ΄ αὑτὰ τὰ ξενικὰ vw OTPATEVETAL, τους 


i ; A Ν \ / ¢ Ἦ 53 θ Ν ζ ᾿ 
φι οὺς νικᾷ καὶ TOUS συμμάχους, Ob EXUpOL μείζους 


A / , Ν ΄ eee ΣῊΝ A 
TOU δέοντος YEyovacty. Kat παρακύψαντ ΕἼ TOV Τῆς 


‘ πανταχοῖ μᾶλ- 


/ Λ XN 3 7 Ν 

5᾽ πόλεως πόλεμον, πρὸς ἄρταβαζον καὶ 

Υ̓ \ \ ? A oh ty; 

λον oLyveTat πλέοντα, ὁ δὲ στρατήγος ακολουθεῖ, εἰκὸ- 
2 x δ 3 Y » Up / 

τως " οὐ γὰρ ἔστ᾽ ἄρχειν μὴ διδόντα μισθόν. 25. Τί 

5 4 a , 3 lal Ν A A 

οὖν κελεύω ; Tas προφάσεις ἀφελεῖν καὶ TOU στρατηγοῦ 

Ν a a Ν / X , 

καὶ TOV στρατιωτῶν, μισθὸν πορίσαντας καὶ στρατιω- 


δύων / Sully a , 
10 TAS OLKELOUS ὥσπερ ΕἸΓΟΊΓΤας τῶν στρατηγουμένων Ta- 


, 3 Ν A ᾿ Sf 1) ς / 
ρακαταστήσαντας, ἐπεὶ νῦν ye γέλως εσθ᾽ ws χρώμεθα 


A , 7 5 ιν yY / Coe cael ¢ 
τοὺς πραγμασιν. / Eu yap €povTto τις vpas,. “ Εἰρήνην 


᾿ > » δ Ξ > 9 x y 
ὥγετε, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι; Ma Ac οὐχ ἡμεῖς γε, b> 


>+-¥ 3 Ν if A > 3 
ToT av, ara Φιλίππῳ πολεμοῦμεν. 26. Οὐκ ey elpo- 


r 3 9 δ a > a / 7 Ν 
16 τονεῖτε ὃ εξ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν δέκα ταξιάρχους καὶ στρατη-- 


ἀκ N , \ 7 So 4% @ 
yous Kat φυλάρχους, Kal ὑπτπττώρχους vO ;5 Ti OVV OUTOL 


A Ν CuN 3 7 ἃ Ἃ 3 , 3 23) aN Ν 
ποιουσιν 3 πλην ενος ἀνδρος, ον ἂν ἐκπτεμψρὴτ επί TOV 


Λ id Ἂς \ ῆς / ς “ Ν 
πόλεμον, OL λοιποὶ TAS πομπὰς πέμπουσιν ὑμῖν μετὰ 


a € A ¢/ ἊΝ «ς , ‘ ,ὔ 
τῶν ἱεροποιῶν. Momep yap οἱ πλάττοντες TOUS πηλί- 


ν a] Ἀ 3 \ ΄“ XN % 
20 νους, εἰς Τὴν ὠγοραν VELPOTOVELTE TOUS ταξιάρχους Kat 


Ν > 
Tous φυλάρχους, οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. 27. Ov γὰρ 


ἐχρῆν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ταξιάρχους Tap. ὑμῶν, 


ο Ὁ > ¢ a BA 2 / 3 Εν 
LTT APNVOvV Tap UL@V αρχοντὰς OLKELOUS ELVAL, WV wy 


ὡς ἀληθῶς τῆς πόλεως ἡ δύναμις ; ἀλλ᾽ εἰς μὲν Anuvow 


1 πανταχοῖ Σ. Bk. Saup. πανταχοῦ vulg. 
2 ἵππαρχον 3. Β ἃ 5. ἱππάρχους Bk. 





®IAITINOY A’ 13 


ἈΝ > e a A a A a ? Cy ie a 

τὸν Tap ὑμῶν ἵππαρχον δεῖ πλεῖν, τῶν δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν 
-“ Λ ᾽ὔ 3 / f tc 

τῆς πόλεως κτημάτων aywvifowevwv MevedXaov ἱππαρ- 
re Ν > Ν Μ / al 7, 3 3 

NEW; καὶ οὐ τὸν ἄνδρα μεμῴφομενος ταῦτα λέγω, ἀλλ 


at. ες’ ἃ + , 3 a “ 
vp ὑμῶν Edel κεχειροτονημένον εἶναι τοῦτον, ὅστις 


53 


\ 
av ἢ. 5 
Υ Ἢ An \ 9 A ein , nN 
28. ἴσως δὲ ταῦτα μεν ὀρθῶς ἡγεῖσθε λέγεσθαι, τὸ 
Ν Ὁ / / Ν / Μ Λ 
δὲ τῶν χρημάτων, πόσα καὶ πόθεν ἔσται, μάλιστα πο- 


‘qrepaivw. Χρήματα 


πὴ 5 3 na A Ν : 
θεῖτ ἀκοῦσαι. Τοῦτο δὴ καὶ 

/ 3 Ν ΧΝ = / / 7] val vs 
τοίνυν, ἐστὶ μεν ἡ τροφῆ, σιτηρέσιον μόνον τῇ δυνάμει 

7 Λ 3 3 "6 % / / / 
ταύτῃ, τάλαντ᾽ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ μικρὸν TL πρὸς " δέκα 10 


\ \ / ΄, 7 4 " 
μεν ναυσιυι ταχείαυς τετταράκοντα τάλαντα, εὐκοσιν εἰς 


Ά, al wn An ἃς id ’ , X 
TV ναὺν μναν TOV KLNVOS EKUCTOU, στρατιώταις δὲ δισχι- 


/ nn? ¢ “ / A Ν e ? 
λίοις τοσαῦθ ἕτερα, Wa δέκα TOU μηνὸς ὁ στρατιωτης 
/ ᾿ ,. ca . te A 
δραχμὰς σιτηρέσιον λαμβάνῃ, τοῖς δ᾽ ἱππεῦσι διακο- 
, ae , δ ons eh x Ba 
σίοις οὖσιν, Eav τριάκοντα δραχμὰς ἕκαστος λαμβάνῃ 15 
A / / / > ΝΜ Ν 
τοῦ μηνός, δώδεκα τάλαντα. 29. Ex δέ τις οἴεται μικρὰν 
Q>? χ 3 , rn : 7 δἰ εν 
ἀφορμὴν εἶναι, σιτηρέσιον τοῖς στρατευομένοις ὑπὰρ- 
) 5 “- Μ Ἐπ ἊΝ Ἄς ον a 7 
xe, οὐκ ὀρθῶς eyvaxev. Eyw yap oida σαφῶς ὅτι, 


mS α , r \ \ IAN Ν ͵ 
TOUT GV γένηται, Τροσππορίει τὰ λοιπὰ AUTO TO oTpa- 


3 τ ω / 3 / A ¢ rd 3 a 
‘TeV πὸ τοῦ πολέμου, οὐδένα τῶν ᾿Ελληήνων αδικοῦν 90 


FEF 


Igor a / «“ a i Ν > A 3 Ν 
οὐδε τῶν συμμάχων, WoT ἔχειν μισθὸν ἐντελῆ. Eyo 
eb. ,ὔ 3 Ν / ¢ A Ψ ax x 
συμπλέων ἐθελοντηῆς πάσχειν ὁτιοῦν ἕτοιμος, ἐὰν μὴ 

“Δ ed U 3 e / cal / 
ταῦθ οὕτως ἔχῃ. ILlodev οὖν ὁ πόρος τῶν χρημάτων, 
ἃ As a 7 / A Dine / 

ἃ παρ υμῶν κελεύω γενέσθαι, τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη λέξω. 
1 περαίνω =. Bk. Β. & 5. περανῶ vulg. 


2 ἀφορμὴν εἶναι >. F. ἀφορμὴν Bk. 
2 


14 SHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


ΠΌΡΟΥ ATLOAEISTIS. 
30.°A μὲν ἡμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, δεδυνήμεθ᾽ 
e a ΕΗ ~ eae 3 / > Ν 3 3 - x 
εὑρεῖν, ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν. Επειδὰν 6 ἐπιχειροτονῆτε tas 
- γνώμας, ἂν ὑμῖν ἀρέσκῃ ᾿ χειροτονήσετε, ἵνα μὴ μόνον 


9 


323 a / Ν 3 ἴω 3 r al 
5 “ἐν τοῖς ψηφίσμασι καὶ “ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς πολεμῆτε 


/ >} ὌΝ Ν - yf 
Φιλίππῳ, AANA καὶ τοῖς Epyots. d 
A 7 Ν Λ \ Ἂς a / 
31. Aoxeite δὲ μου πολυ βέλτιον ἂν περὶ τοῦ πολε- 
Niel A A a 2) ἣν 
μου καὶ ὅλης τῆς παρασκευῆς βουλεύσασθαι, εἰ τὸν 
᾿ > » > n is ; ΟΝ 
τόπον, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῆς χώρας, πρὸς ἣν πολε- 
lal 3 / Ν / τ nr 4 
10 μεῖτε, ἐνθυμηθείητε, Kal λογίσαισθε ὅτι τοῖς πνεύμασι 
Ν. a 7 A yf Ἂν \ 7 
καὶ ταῖς ὥραις τοῦ ETOVS τὰ πολλὰ προλαμβάνων δια- 
,ὕ /. N ΄ \ 2 7 \ Ν 
πράττεται Φίλιππος καὶ φυλάξας Tous ἐτησίας ἢ τὸν 
a > πα εν ERK ς - \ 4 7 ΠΝ ΝΣ 
χειμῶνα, ἐπιχειρεῖ, NViK ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ “δυναίμεθα ἐκεῖσε 
3 / fal / ἌΣ κι 3 ᾽, x 
ἀφικέσθαι. 32. Act τοίνυν ταῦτ ἐνθυμουμένους μὴ 
i r ¢ nA Ν / > x 
15 βοηθείαις πολεμεῖν (ὑστεριοῦμεν γὰρ ὡπάντων), ἀλλὰ 
A a \ , € [pee ay Levies 
παρασκευῇ συνεχεῖ καὶ δυνάμει. Ὑπάρχει δ᾽ ὑμῖν 
7] Ἂς A A , 7 \ 7 
χειμαδίῳ μὲν χρῆσθαι τῇ δυνάμει Δήημνῳ καὶ Θάσῳ 
Ἂν / Ἂς ta 3 7 a / rd ? e 
καὶ Σ᾽ κιάθῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ νήσοις, ἐν αἷς 
X / ‘\ r AS ray N 7 , >’ 
καὶ λιμένες καὶ σίτος καὶ ἃ χρὴ στρατεύματι πανθ 
e , Ν > Ὡ A: LF Ὡ \ Ἂς a n 
20 ὑπάρχει, τὴν δ᾽ ὡραν TOU ETOUS, OTE καὶ πρὸς TH γῇ 
i Cay ἣν Ἂς la - > / Ν 
γενέσθαι ῥᾷδιον καὶ τὸ τῶν πνευμάτων ἀσφαλές, πρὸς 
ἜΡΟΝ a 7 Ν Ν a a 3 / / 4 
αὑτῇ τῇ χώρᾳ Kal πρὸς τοῖς τῶν ἐμπορίων oTOMaGt 
e / 4 
ῥᾳδίως ἐσται. 
1 χειροτονήσετε Σ. B. & 5. χειροτονήσατε ΒΚ. 
2 ἐν τοῖς Voem. [ἐν] τοῖς Bk. 


3 ἐν ταῖς 3. ταῖς Bk. 
4 δυναίμεθα Σ. B. & S. δυναίμεθ᾽ Voem. 





@IAINNOY A’. 15 


a N > / Ν , A ΄ Ν 
33. A μὲν οὖν χρήσεται καὶ πότε τῇ δυνάμει, παρὰ 
Ν Ν ς ΄ 3 Ν Το ea SSR / 
TOV καιρὸν ὁ τούτων κύριος καταστὰς Up υμῶν βουλευ- 
aA > ς 7 fal > ς rn mam 2 2 ᾿ Ah Aa 
σεται, ἃ δ᾽ ὑπάρξαι δεῖ Tap ὑμῶν, ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν a ἐγὼ 
/ Δ, “- ΙΔ) (Ἂν > a / Ν 
γέγραφα. “Av ταῦτα, ὦ ἄνδρες A€nvatot, πορίσητε τὰ 
, κα ἃ / 5 Ἂς 5 ΄ὔ 
χρηματα πρῶτον, ἃ λέγω, εἶτα καὶ τἄλλα παρασκευα- 5 
\ 7 Ν , ἊΝ ec / 
σαντες, TOUS OTPATLWTAS, TAS τρίηρεις, τους LITTEAS, 
5 A A Ν 7 / / 3 Ὁ... A 
ἐντελῆ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν νόμῳ κατακλείσητ ETL TO 
λέ ΄ nq Ν / ? Ν 7 ὶ 
πολέμῳ μένειν, TOV μὲν χρημάτων AVTOL ταμίαν κα 
δε 7 , fal ς / Ν a 
πορισταὶ γιγνόμενοι, τῶν Se πράξεων Tapa τοῦ στρα- 

A μι / r 7 > » i: Ν al > 
τηγοῦ Tov λόγον ζητοῦντες, παύσεσθ᾽ ἀεὶ περὶ τῶν av- 10 
A 7 Ν / Jar a Ν 
τῶν βουλευόμενοι καὶ πλέον οὐδὲν ποιοῦντες, 34. καὶ 

+ Ν / ee N 3 Μ ὃ ἯΔ4θ a ἈΝ 
ETL πρὸς τοῦτῷ πρῶτον μεν, ὦ AVOPES NVQLOL, TOV 
5 ΄ har eg  ΌΣ / 2 / x 2 
μέγιστον τῶν ᾿ἐκείνου πόρων ἀφαιρήσεσθε. Εστι ὃ 
- / a δ ἧς cr e / ¢ or - / 
“OUTOS TLS; ATO των υὑμετερων ὑμῖν TOAEMEL συμμάχων, 
Μ Ν 7 ἊΝ / Ν / " 
ἄγων καὶ φέρων τοὺς πλέοντας τὴν θάλατταν. ᾿Επειτα 15 
Ὁ ἢ \ e A / > Ν r Μ ὔ 
τί πρὸς τούτῳ; τοῦ πάσχειν avTOL κακῶς E€w γενήσεσθε, 
2 ed ‘ Ν / / 3 A ΝΥΝ 
οὐχ ὥσπερ τὸν παρελθόντα χρόνον εἰς ῆμνον καὶ Ip-- 
3 N 3 4 / ε / + ? 
Bpov ἐμβαλὼν αὐχμαλωτοὺυς πολίτας ὑμετέρους YET 
Μ . ἈΝ . a Ν ca δ > Ψ, 
ἔχων, καὶ πρὸς τῷ Γεραιστῷ τὰ πλοία συλλαβὼν ἀαμυ- 
᾽ὔ ᾿. ΣῪ Ν al > 3 a 
θητα χρήματ᾽ εξέλεξε, τὰ Tehevtaia δ᾽ εἰς Μαραθῶνα 30 
REA Ν Neve Ν ban A ‘4 4” ee / 
ἀπέβη καὶ τὴν Lepayv πὸ τῆς χωρᾶς ὥχετ ἔχων TPLNPN. 
« a 3 7 A 7 / xy 9 3 x 
Ὑμεῖς δ᾽ οὔτε ταῦτα ‘dvvacbe κωλύειν ovUT εἰς TOUS 
, A ern A a ἊΣ , /o? 
χρόνους, ovs ἂν προθῆσθε, βοηθεῖν. 35. Καίτοι τί δὴ 


* 3 “ Ν A r 
“Tote, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, νομίζετε τὴν μὲν τῶν Πανα- 


me: Γ 1 δύνασθε Σ. ΥὙ. Ὡ. Δ΄. Β. ὦ 5. ἡἠδύνασθε ΒΚ. 





16 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


/ « ‘ Ἂς Ν a / SAX A / 

θηναίων ἑορτὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν Διονυσίων ἀεὶ τοῦ καθη- 

/ / \ ΄, +” ᾽ 

xOVTOS χρόνου γίγνεσθαι, ἂν τε δεινοὶ λάχωσιν ἂν τ 
IK A ε 7 ς / 3 ΄ 51 Ὁ 

ἰδιῶται, οἱ τούτων ἑκατέρων ἐπιμελούμενοι, εἰς ἃ TO- 


γον: Ὶ 5 / / ω 3 In? 9 «“ an 
σαῦτ᾽ Ἰἀναλίσκεται͵ χρήματα, ὃς οὐδ᾽ εἰς ἕνα τῶν 
2 


σι 


5 Λ Ν na 4, ᾿ς N [2 
αποστολων, καὶ TOCOUTOV oyov Kal “παρασκεύυην, OHV 
> 90? yf A ς , “ \ 3 ) Ἵ 

οὐκ O10 εἰ TL τῶν ATUVTMV, EXEL, TOUS ὃ αποστολους 
f con ε a a Ν 2 7, 
πάντας ὑμῖν ὑστερίζειν τῶν καιρῶν, Tov εἰς ᾿ϊεθωνην, 
Ν 7 / Ἂς 3 / “ 2 r 
tov εἰς Ilayacas, tov εἰς ΠΠοτίδαιαν ; 36. Oru exewva 
\ « , / \ 4.0." Ψ Cs rx 
μὲν ἅπαντα νόμῳ τέτακται, καὶ πρόοιδεν ἕκαστος ὑμῶν 
3 ra 7 Ἂς “Ὁ / A Ξ / 
10 ἐς πολλοῦ τίς χορηγὸς ἢ γυμνασίαρχος τῆς φυλῆς πότε 
Ν Ἀ n x / / χ ie nw IAN 5 / 
καὶ παρὼ τοῦ Kat TL λαβοντα TL δεῖ, ποιεῖν, οὐδεν ἀνεξε- 
Ia? 2} 3 ΄ 5. ae 3 Ν a 
ταστον OVO ἀοόρίστον ἐν TOUTOLS NMEANTAL, EV δὲ τοῖς 
Ν A / Ν a 7 4 A.) 235 4 
περί TOU πολέμου καὶ TH TOUTOV παρασκευῇ ATAKTA 
3 ,ὔ Pet | 3. ὦ a cf 2D). 2 7 / 
ἀδιόρθωτα ἀὐρισθ᾽ ἅπαντα. Tovyapovy ἂμ ἀκηκόαμεν 
Ν / / \ Ul > / 
15 Tl, καὶ τριηράρχους καθίσταμεν καὶ τούτοις ἀντιδόσεις 
4 Ν Ἂς / / al Ν 
ποιούμεθα καὶ περὶ χρημάτων πόρου σκοποῦμεν, καὶ 
Ν “ 3 / Χ ns + \ 2. 
μετὰ ταῦτα, ἐμβαίνειν τοὺς μετοίκους εἐδοξε καὶ TOUS 
ἧν 9 A 3. 2 2 χ , 5, eer ie , 
χωρὶς οἰκοῦντας, εἶτ αὑτοὺυς πάλιν, “εἶτ᾽ ἀντεμβιβώω- 
Ἢ * 
‘ieee Pee) / A , , ΕΞ. κα See 
ζειν, εἶτ᾽ ἐν ὅσῳ ταῦτα ἐμέλλεται, προαποόλωλε το Eh 
Caan > / is ἘΝ a / ; ? 
200 av ἐκπλέωμεν. 37. Tov yap tov πρώττειν χρόνον εἰς 
ἧς / 5 / e Ν ἴω ς 
τὸ παρασκευάζεσθαι ἀναλίσκομεν, οἱ δε τῶν πραγμάτων 


3 td X Ν ¢ if “ x 2 
οὐ μένουσι καιροὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν βραδυτῆτα καὶ εἰρω- 
Ὁ 


1 ἀναλίσκεται Σ. A’. Η. Β. & 5. ἀναλίσκετε Bk. 
2 παρασκευὴν Σ. Α΄. Υ. τοσαύτην παρασκ. Bk. 

3 εἶτ᾽ ἀντεμβιβάζειν Σ. εἶτ᾽ rej. Bk. 

4 μέλλεται Σ. Β. & 5. μέλλετε Bk. 

ὅ τὸ ἐφ᾽ ὃ Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ἐφ᾽ ἃ Bk. 





it a eR. Soe 


PIAIMNNMOY A’. 17 


/ a os! b Ἂ / / Pan / re Be ee 
veiav. “Ἂς δὲ Tov μεταξυ χρόνον δυνάμεις οἰόμεθ᾽ ἡμῖν 
« ’ IQ ae 2 9 lal 2.9 etal. tal 
ὑπάρχειν, οὐδεν οἷαί τ΄ οὖσαι ποιεῖν ET αὐτῶν τῶν 
r ᾽ / ¢ 3 ᾽ ay? / 2 , 
καιρῶν ἐξελέγχονται. O ὃ εἰς τοῦθ᾽ ὕβρεως ἐλήλυ- 
f ᾽ 3 Λ 2 a + ra > 
θεν ὥστ᾽ ἐπιστέλλειν EvBoevow dn τοιαύτας ἐπι- 
, ᾿ 
στολας. δ 
TEAL LS T OMA. 
L's > + > a a ? ΄ 
38. Τούτων, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῶν ἀνεγνωσμένων 
>. A / > Ν ,ὔ ς ᾽ + > Ν > 3 
ἀληθῆ μὲν ἐστὶ τὰ πολλά, ὡς οὐκ ἔδει, οὐ μὴν GAN 


» 5) ta 2 > ΄ ) > 9 7 ΜΠ ¥ ς Ξ 
-tows οὐχ ἡδέα ἀκούειν. ᾿Αλλ εἰ μεν, “ἃ ἂν τις ὑπερβη 
4 = 


nn Ἂ 7 ef Ν x 4 Ν Ν / θ᾽ ς / 
“Te λόγῳ, wa μὴ λυπήσῃ, καὶ Ta πράγμαθ ὑπερβησε- 


— 


0 
rn Ν ¢e ἣν lal , Be an / 

swat, δεῖ πρὸς ἡδονὴν δημηγορεῖν. Et δ᾽ ἡ τῶν λόγων 
7 Ἃ Φ Ν , + / / 

χάρις, Gv ἢ μὴ προσήκουσα, ἔργῳ ζημία γίγνεται, 
3 / 3 a” ἋΡ > ms / 

αἰσχρὸν ἐστι, [ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι,] φενακίζειν ἑαυτούς, 

. ἃς “ 2 > / ἃ > A ΄ 

καὶ ἅπαντ αναβαλλομένους av ἢ δυσχερῆ πάντων 
Φ lal al » Ν Ν ~*~ 7 

ὑστερεῖν τῶν ἔργων, 39. καὶ μηδὲ τοῦτο δύνασθαι μα- 15 

θ a ad 8 - \ 5 6 κ᾿ x a / > > 

@etv, ὅτε δεῖ τοὺς ὀρθῶς πολέμῳ χρωμένους οὐκ ἀκο- 

» rn lal 7 > > 2 ἈΝ Μ 

“λουθεῖν tos πράγμασιν, ἀλλ, αὑτοὺς ἔμπροσθεν εἶναι. 
ωσ , Ν Ν Ὁ Ἂς / 14 a 

τῶν πραγμάτων, καὶ τὸν αὑτὸν τρόπον ὥσπερ τῶν 


Len 2 7 Mr υρξ Ἂς Ν Ν e rn 
; OTPATEVLATOV ἀξιώσειε TLS ὧν TOV στρατήγον ηγευ- 


“΄ 


“ “7 Ν a / \ 4 , 
σθαι, οὕτω καὶ τῶν πραγμώτων τους βουλευομένους, 29 


% 
5 + 2 ὃ a a ’, Ν Ν Ν 
bv - ἃ ἂν ἐκείνοις OK7); ταυτῷ TPAaTTHT AL Kat μὴ Ta 


Dy ἘΠ 


Be yiBdvr ἀναγκάξωνται διώκειν. 40. Ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ av- 
ἐ 
Γ᾿ 1 ENISTOAAI Bk. Β. & 5. ἘΠΙΣΤΟΛΗΣ ἈΝΆΓΝΩΣΙΣ Voem. 
᾿ ἃ ἄν Σ. ὅσα ἄν Bk. ὅσ᾽ ἄν Voem. 

δ τις ἂν Σ Υ.6. Β. ὦ 5. ἄν τις Bk.’ 

4 4 βουλευομένους B. & 5. εὖ βουλ. ΒΚ. 

τ τ᾽ 4 a Bk. Β. & 5... δ᾽ ἂν Voom. 

: 2 


i in 





΄ 


18 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥ͂Σ O KATA 


9 a / ? e , +S 
Spes ᾿Αθηναῖοι, πλείστην δύναμιν ἁπάντων ἔχοντες, 
ς 7 / 7 ΄ 
τριήρεις, ὁπλίτας, ἱππέας, χρημάτων πρόσοδον, τούτων 


Ν 4 “ / ix / 2 Ν / 3 Ι 3 / 
μὲν μέχρι τῆς τήμερον ἡμέρας οὐδενὶ πώποτ εἰς δέον 


> N 515 4 cf 7 
τι κέχρησθε, "οὐδενὸς δ᾽ “ὠπολείπεσθε, ᾿ ὥσπερ οἱ Bap-' 


4 lA 5 ΄σ Ν 
5 βαροι πυκτεύουσιν, οὕτω πολεμεῖν Φιλίππῳ. Καὶ yap 


3 / ς Q “LESS A An yy 3\ ς Zz 
ἐκείνων ὁ πληγεὶς GEL τῆς πληγῆς ἔχεται, κἂν ἑτέρωσε 
6 iE 2 ΄σ΄ / C9 id a TT B ΝΣ ra] δ 
πατάξης, ἐκεῖσε εἰσιν αἱ χεῖρες. ροβαλλεσθαι 
Ἃ / 3 ͵ ΕΣ 3 yes SAP 2 
ἢ βλέπειν ἐναντίον οὔτ οἷδεν οὐτ εθέλει. 41. Καὶ 
oN 3 2] , / 2 3 - 
ὑμεῖς, ἐὰν ἐν Χερῥονήσῳ πύθησθε Φίλιππον, ἐκεῖσε 
a / aN 3 Z, 3 r IA f 
10 βοηθεῖν ψηφίζεσθε, eav ev Πύλαις, ἐκεῖσε, ἐὰν ἀλλοθί 
7 nr gy / δ Ἂ \ 
που, συμπαραθεῖτ “ἄνω κάτω, Kat στρατηγεῖσθε μὲν 


ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου, βεβούλευσθε δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτοὶ συμφέρον περὶ 


A / ar Ν an : / a 3 Ia7 
TOU πολέμου, οὐδὲ TPO TOV πραγμάτων προορᾶτ οὐδεν, 


\ x Ἃ / Ἃ / / ΄ A 

πρὶν ἂν ἢ γεγενημένον ἢ γιγνόμενον TL πύθησθες. Tav- 
sy, , Χ ee κα he eda) 5 nates 

15Ta δ᾽ Lows πρότερον μὲν ἐνῆν, νῦν O ET αὐτὴν ἥκει 


Ν 5) 7 ε > Ag at kad ned a a / an 
Τὴν ἀκμὴν, WOT OVKET εγχώρει. 42. Aoxet δε μοι θεῶν 


3. "» 3 nr “- ‘ “τ x A 7 
τίς, ὦ ἀνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τοῖς γιγνομένοις UTEP τῆς πό-᾿ 


λεως αἰσχυνόμενος τὴν φιλοπραγμοσύνην ταύτην ἐμβα- 


n / , Ν + δὴ / 
λεῖν Φιλίππῳ. Et γὰρ ἔχων ἃ κατεστραπται καὶ 


Λ ¢ 4 + + Ν Ἃ 5 
20 προείληφεν ἡσυχίαν eyew ἤθελε καὶ δὲν ἔπραττεν 
Ρ ] χεὶν ἢ μη ρ 


εἰς δέον τι Σ. Β΄. ἐν δέοντι Bk. 

οὐδενὸς δ᾽ Bk. οὐδὲν δ᾽ Saup.- 

ἀπολείπεσθε Bk. ἀπολείπετε Σ. Β. & S. Saup. 
ὥσπερ Σ. Saup. ὥσπερ δὲ Bk. ὥσπερ θ᾽ Voem. 
πολεμεῖν Σ. Β. & 5. Saup. πολεμεῖτε Bk. Voem. 
πατάξης Σ. πατάξῃ τις Bk. 

που Bk. Β. ἃ S. ποιΣ. 


ἄνω κάτω >. Bk. ἄνω καὶ κάτω Voem. 


ΟΟ «2 Θ᾽ ὧἱ ὰ ὦ ἢ »- 





SIAITINICOY. A’: 19 


» > A > # ΝΜ r yf al 3... e 7 | 4 
ETL, ἀποχρῆν ἐνίοις ὑμῶν av μοι δοκεῖ, εξ ὧν αἰσχύνην 
\ 2 / \ , . ” i175 , KY 
καὶ ἀνανδρείαν Kal πάντα τὰ αἰσχιστ᾽ ὠφληκότες ἂν 
3 / Ν > ? a 8. .κἃὶ Ν A 
ἦμεν δημοσίᾳἈ. Nuv δ᾽ ἐπιχειρῶν ἀεί τινε καὶ τοῦ 
/ 5 / ᾿ X ? / I ERO > 
πλείονος ὀρεγόμενος tows ἂν εἐκκαλέσαιθ᾽ ὑμᾶς, εἴπερ 


L 


Ν ’, > / / > yf 
μὴ παντώπασιν ᾿ὠπεγνωκατε. 43. Θαυμάζω δ᾽ ἔγωγε, 5 


> Ν .ς a Rar 4 2 r Le ene / C4 A 3 
εἰ μηδεὶς ὑμῶν pnt ἐνθυμεῖται μήτ᾽ ὀργίζεται, ὁρῶν, ὦ 
+ δ >? r D.: Ν 5 Ν A / 
ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, THY μὲν ἀρχὴν τοῦ πολέμου γεγενη- 

7 N a , < L Ν ἊΝ 
μένην περὶ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαι Φίλιππον, τὴν δε τελευ- 

ἈΝ i) Sa c Χ “ Ν “ a e Nw / 

τὴν οὖσαν ἤδη UTEP τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν κακῶς ὑπὸ Φιλίπ- 
5 \ \ , > ᾽ , ἐ > , 

mov. Adda μὴν OTL Y οὐ στήσεται, δῆλον, EL μὴ TLS τὸ 
2 7 3 a ? 3 A \ / Ν 
κωλύσει. Εἶτα τοῦτ ἀναμενοῦμεν, καὶ τριήρεις κενὰς 

Ν ‘\ N an ἰδ 2. / ws > , Λ 
καὶ τὰς παρὰ τοῦ δεινος ἐλπίδας ἐὰν ἀποστείλητε, 

/ b ES ΓΜ re > 3 7 2 
πάντ ἔχειν οἰεσθε καλῶς ; 44. Οὐκ ἐμβησομεθα; οὐκ 

x HK / SG PsN των A ? 
ἐξιμεν αὐτοὶ μέρει YE τινι στρατιωτῶν οἰκείων νῦν, εἰ 

Ν Ν 7] > 7 Ν ἊΣ >] ἢ 3 . ἢ 
καὶ μὴ πρότερον ; οὐκ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνου “πλευσόμεθα ; 15 
A 5 7 ary. / ον \ 
“Ποῖ οὖν προσορμιούμεθα ;” npeto τις. Εὐὑρήσει τὰ 
ἀπ δ ee oF > a A stp , > 
capa, ὦ avopes AOnvatol, τῶν ἐκείνου πραγμώτων av- 

Ν c 7 “Δ >] rn a‘ / “4 > 
TOS ὁ πόλεμος, ἂν ἐπιχειρῶμεν. “Av μέντοι καθωμεθ 

” 7 ? ΄ \ 5) 7 5 7 
οἰκοι, λοιδορουμένων ἀκούοντες καὶ αἰτιωμένων ἀλλή- 

a 7 Ins ᾽ Jar Cars 2 N 7 
λους τῶν λεγόντων, οὐδέποτ᾽ οὐδὲν ἡμῖν “[ov] μὴ γέ- 20 

rn , td Ἀν x Μ 53 / 
νηται τῶν δεόντων. 45. Οποι μὲν γὰρ av, οἶμαι, μέρος 


δ 


a Λ a Ἃ > a Ν Ν 
τί τῆς πόλεως συναποσταλῃ, Kav μὴ πασα, καὶ TO 


1 ἀπεγνώκατε Σ, ΒΚ. ἑαυτῶν ἀπεγνώκατε F. Y. vulg, 

2 κωλύσει Bk. κωλύσηι Σ. κωλύσοι H. αὐτὸν κωλύσει Υ. Q. 

3 πλευσόμεθα Σ. Β. & 35. πλευσούμεθα Bk. Voem. Ph 
4 [οὐ] μὴ. μὴ Y. ov μὴ Bk. Voem. 

5 πᾶσαΣ. B. & S. πᾶσα παρῇ Bk. Voem. 


ῦτ ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ O KATA 


a rn b Ν Ν Ἂς A 4 ἘΠΕ eae , 
τῶν θεῶν εὐμενὲς καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης TW TuvAyovileTate 
<i dae SS Ν 7, Ν Ν Ν τ τς 
Ovo. 5 ἂν στρατηγὸν καὶ ψήφισμα κενὸν καὶ Tas aro 
n / : 3 / 3 / Ian lal - / 
τοῦ βήματος ἐλπίδας ἐκπέμψητε, οὐδὲν ὑμῖν τῶν Seov- 
> > x 2 x n ς ἊΝ 
των γίγνεται, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐχθροὶ καταγελῶσιν, οἱ δὲ 
͵ὕ A ray / \ ὟΝ > λ 
δ σύμμαχοι τεθνᾶσι τῷ δέει τοὺς τοιούτους ἀποστόλους. 
> Ν “ 2 Μ FO 8 \ A / 
46. Ov yap ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστιν ἕν ἄνδρα “ἂν δυνηθῆναι 
“- 3 ἴω a ug > f 4. 
ποτε ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν πρᾶξαι πάνθ᾽ ὅσα βούλεσθε. Ὕπο- 
/ / aK A \ ᾿ς Cv?) 5 7 
σχέσθαι μέντοι Kat φῆσαι καὶ τὸν δεῖν αἰτιάσασθαι 
Ὥς Ν, a 5, Me’ / Pe ds 7 3 7 
καὶ τὸν δεῖνα, ἐστιν. Ta ὃε πράγματ ἐκ τούτων aTo- 
‘ 
“ Ν CAA SS Ν Ρ] 7] 
" λωλεν. ταν yap ηγῆται μεν ὁ στρατηγος ἀθλίων 
3 / 6 / ε δὲ ς Ν - s\ 2 a 3 7 
ἀπομίσθων ἕένων, οἱ ὑπερ ὧν ἂν ἐκεῖνος “πράξη 
Ἀ Ξ , 7 2 σῷ 9 Cah ἍΛΩΣ 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς ψευδόμενοι ῥᾳδίως ἐνθώδ᾽ ὦσιν, ὑμεῖς δ᾽ εξ. 
Ὁ \ 3 A 7 \ 7 / / Ν 
ὧν “av ἀκούσητε, 6 τι ἂν τύχητε, ψηφίζησθε, TL καὶ 
Ν a 
χρὴ προσδοκᾶν ; 
a 3 aA ‘4 vA ς Lal - ae 
1 47. Πῶς οὖν ταῦτα παύσεται ; ὅταν ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες 
9 a Ν Ρ] Ν 3 / ’ Ἂς / 
AOnvaiot, τους αὑτοὺς ὠποδείξητε στρατιωτας καὶ μάρ- 
a / ‘\ \ + ᾿ 3. ,ὔ 
τυρας τῶν στρατηγουμένων καὶ δικαστὰς οἰκαδ ἐλθόν- 
a ? A ce Niger? ῳ / fon DP ts 
Tas τῶν εὐθυνῶν, ὥστε μὴ ἀκούειν μόνον ὑμᾶς τὰ ὑμε- 
Ε on 2 Ν \ f Con a ey 9 ny? 
τερ αὐτῶν, ἀλλα καὶ παρόντας ὁρᾶν. Νῦν δ᾽ εἰς τοῦθ 
of Ν 7 5 a hr Oe: fal a 
2 ἥκει τὰ πράγματα αἰσχύνης, WOTE τῶν στρατηγῶν 
ef δὲ Ν N er EK ae ἿΝ N θ ΄ 
ἕκαστος δὶς καὶ τρίς κρίνεται παρ ὑμιν περὶ θανάτου, 
Ν ἈΝ Ν 2 \ ? Ν 2 {0 2 3 / 
πρὸς δὲ Tous ἐχθροὺς οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ ἅπαξ αὐτῶν aywvi- 


Ψ Ν Ν Ἐπ >) 
σασθαι περὶ θανάτου τολμᾷ, ἀλλὰ τὸν τῶν ἀνδρα- 





1 ἡμῖν συναγωνίζεται Bk. ἡμῖν om. Σ. 

2 ἂν δυνηθῆναι Ὡ. δυνηθῆναι Bk. Voem. Β. & S. 
3 πράξῃ Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ἐκεῖ πράξῃ Bk. 

4 ἂν ἀκούσητε Bk. ἂν om. Σ. 





Pera Ss; 


= 


PhLALH HOY “ἡ; + ae 


“Ὁ A a 7 “ ς A 
ποδιστῶν καὶ λωποδυτῶν θάνατον μᾶλλον αἱροῦνται 


A / 7 Ν 7 > / ? 
Tov προσήκοντος. Κακούργου μὲν yup ἐστι κριθεντ' 


ἀποθανεῖν, στρατηγοῦ δὲ μαχόμενον τοῖς πολεμίοις. 
48. ᾿ἩΗμῶν δ᾽ οἱ μὲν περιιόντες μετὰ Λακεδαιμονίων 
φασὶ Φίλιππον πρώττειν τὴν Θηβαίων κατάλυσιν καὶ 
τὰς πολιτείας διασπᾶν, οἱ δ᾽ ὡς πρέσβεις πέπομφεν 


ὡς βασιλέα, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ᾿Γλλυριοῖς πόλεις τειχίζειν, οἱ δὲ 


λόγους πλάττοντες ἕκαστος περιεργόμεθα. 49. ᾿Εγὼ 
Y ρίερχομ ἡ 


? > / 3 7 3 “- N Ν A 3 rn 
δ᾽ οἶμαι μὲν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, νὴ Tous θεοὺς ἐκεῖνον 


θ 7 a i!) n / Ν ἌΣ an 
μέεῦσυειν Τῷ μέεγε εὐ τῶν TET PAY MEVOV Kat 770 a TOLAU- 


5 a 3 A , , 5-3 / a 
Ta OVELPOTTONELY εν ΤΊ γνώμῃ, TY T ερημιᾶαν των κωλυ- 


/ CAR Ἂς a / ? / 2 
σόντων ὁρῶντα καὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐπηρμένον, οὐ 
/ “ 73 ed ay ΄, [γέ 
μέντοι γε μὰ Ac οὕτω προαιρεισθαι πρώττειν, ὥστε 
b > 7] a > e a 5 if 7 7. 
TOUS GVONTOTATOUS τῶν παρ nly εἰδέναι, TL μέλλει 

r 3 - > / / 3 3 
ποιεῖν ἐκεῖνος. ᾿Ανοητότατοι yup εἰσιν οἱ λογοποι- 
A 3 3 oN 5 / . yea 3 er 3 5 rn 
ouvTes. 50, AAN ἐὰν ἀφέντες ταῦτ ἐκεῖν εἰδῶμεν, 


«“ 3 Ν Qed Ν ἣν ¢ / 3 ε a > A 
OTL ἐχθρὸς ἅνθρωπος Καὶ TA ὭΜΕΤΕΡ Has aT OO TEPEL 


: Ν , ‘\ « Xo ¢ 2 eh / 3 
καὶ χρόνον πολὺν ὕβρικε, καὶ ἅπανθ ὅσα πωποτ 


5 , / 7 ΦΌΡΩΝ e a 3 e fal ed 
ἠλπισαμέν τινα πράξειν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν Kal ἡμῶν εὕρη- 


15 


ἈΝ ν Ny 2 2 κ ( ale. 3 7 Ἃ ane 
Tal, καὶ TA λοίπα EV αὑτοῖς ἡμιν ἐστί, KAV- μὴ νῦν 30 


aay eS A rae y~> of > 
ἐθέλωμεν ἐκεῖ πολεμεῖν αὐτῷ, evOud tows ἀναγκασθη- 


7 . a a “Δ a 3 100 Ν Ν / > 
σόμεθα τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἂν ταῦτ εἰδῶμεν, καὶ τὰ δέοντ' 


> t- 3 > / Ν , / > / 
ἐσομεθ ἐγνωκότες καὶ λόγων ματαίων ἀπηλλαγμένοι. 


Εν κ᾿ / rh ν ral a 5 5) 7 ia 
Ov yap ἅττα ποτ᾽ ἔσται δεῖ σκοπεῖν, ἀλλ ὅτι adn, 


« 


ὑ 
1 Ἡμῶν Σ. Β. ὦ 5, ἡμῶν Υ. ὑμῶν Bk. 
2 ἄνθρωπος Bk. 


22 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA S@IAITNIIOY A’. 


9X \ / A Ν is ἈΝ 
εῶν μη TPOGEN NTE [ rots πράγμασι] τον VOUV καὶ τα 


7 ree ἢ ? 3 WF 
προσήκοντα ποιεῖν εθελητ,, EV ELOEVAL. 


> Ν Ν 3 Μ 3 ἡ 7 Ν / | 
51. ἔγω μὲν οὖν ovt ἄλλοτε πώποτε πρὸς χάριν 


/ / 
᾿ συνοίσειν TTETTELO με- 


(a / {4 “δ Χ Ν 
εὐλόμὴην λέγειν, O TL ἂν μὴ και 
3 a 5. ΑΝ 7, Peto aie a ar ς 
ὄνος ὦ, νῦν θ᾽ ἃ γιγνώσκω πανθ ἁπλῶς, οὐδὲν ὑπο- 
f 9. δ / 2 / ? y+ 
στείλαμενος, πεπαρῥησίασμαι. HBovrounv δ᾽ ἂν, 
“ “ ΕἸ τὴν 7 \ “ 9 / 5 
ὥσπερ OTL ὑμῖν συμφερει Ta βελτιστ᾽ ἀκούειν οἶδα, 


9 a Ν A \ / 3 ? / 
συνοῖσον καὶ τῷ Ta βελτιστ ELTTOVTL® 


cd o7 
οὕτως εἰδεναι 
A ee ey ge, 5 : A ae Pon nes 5 
πολλῷ γὰρ av ἥδιον ὃ εἶπον. Nov δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλοις over 
“ Das ΄ > A f, 7 see a 
10 TOLS ATO τούτων ἐμαυτῷ γενησομένοις, ὁμως ETL τῷ 
7 ςφκ \ (a ε A a / 
συνοίσειν ὑμῖν, Eav πράξητε, ταῦτα πεπεῖσθαι λέγειν 
€ A / ΣΕ A Cranes / / 
αἱροῦμαι. Nixon δ᾽ ὁ τι πᾶσιν ὑμῖν μέλλει συνοί- 


σειν. 


1 συνοίσειν Σ. Β. ἃ 5. συνοίσειν ὑμῖν Bk. Voem. 


5 συνοῖσον Bk. συνοίσων Σ. 


3 εἶπον Bk. B. & 5. “εἶχον Σ. 


4, 





aed > 





AHMOZTOENOTS 


Oi CA An ei ALIE OF OR 


AIBANIOY TIIOOESIZ. 


1. Παραινεῖ διὰ τούτου τοῦ λόγου τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις 6 ῥήτωρ πολέ- 
e , A Ν “ ek A , , > A 
μιον ὑπυπτεύειν τὸν Φίλιππον καὶ TH εἰρήνῃ μὴ πάνυ πιστεύειν, ἀλλὰ 
5 ’, A 4, \ “a afr 4 ‘ > ’ 
ἐγείρεσθαι καὶ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ εὐτρεπίζεσθαι 
πρὸς πόλεμον. ᾿Ἐπιβουλεύειν γὰρ αἰτιᾶται καὶ τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ 
= “ σ. A , ‘ “- > A : “ A 
πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὸν Φίλιππον, καὶ τοῦτο αὐτοῦ καταμαρτυρεῖν τὰς 
Ἀ 
πράξεις φησίν. ᾿Ἐπαγγέλλεται δὲ καὶ ἀποκρίσεις δώσειν πρός 
, a > ’ - > , a ’ > 
τινας πρέσβεις ἥκοντας, ἀπορούντων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ὃ τί ποτε ἀπο- 
κρίνασθαι δεῖ, 2. Πόθεν δὲ οὗτοι καὶ περὶ τίνων ἥκοῦσιν, ἐν τῷ 
λόγῳ μὲν οὐ δηλοῦται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν Φιλιππικῶν ἱστοριῶν μαθεῖν δυνα- 
τόν. Κατὰ γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις ὁ Φίλιππος πρὸς 
\ > , 2 » a , > eat | , A 4 
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, αἰτιώμενος ὅτι διαβάλλουσιν αὐτὸν μάτην πρὸς τοὺς 
Ἕλληνας ὡς ἐπαγγειλάμενον αὑτοῖς πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα, ψευσάμενον 
δέ, Οὐδὲν γὰρ ὑπεσχῆσθαί φησιν οὐδὲ ἐψεῦσθαι, καὶ περὶ τούτων 
Y χῇ ’ 
ἐλέγχους ἀπαιτεῖ. ᾿Ἔπεμψαν δὲ μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι καὶ 
Μεσσήνιοι πρέσβεις εἰς ᾿Αθήνας, αἰτιώμενοι καὶ οὗτοι τὸν δῆμον ὅτι 
, , 
Λακεδαιμονίοις καταδουλουμένοις τὴν ἸΤελοπόννησον εὔνους τέ ἐστι 
A “ «ε ΄ A A > , cal » ΄ 
καὶ συγκροτεῖ, αὑτοῖς δὲ περὶ ἐλευθερίας πολεμοῦσιν ἐναντιοῖται. 


- > > “ 
3. ᾿Αποροῦσιν οὖν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἀποκρίσεως 


10 


15 


24 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


4 4 5) , e > 4 ᾿ , ‘ A ~ 
καὶ πρὸς Tas πόλεις, OTL εὖνοι μέν εἰσι Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τὴν τῶν 
> , \ , A , ’ ‘ a ‘ 
Δργείων καὶ Μεσσηνίων peta Φιλίππου σύστασιν καὶ μισοῦσι καὶ 
ε ’ > A > , , , , A 
ὑποπτεύουσιν; ov μὴν ἀποφήνασθαι δύνανται δίκαια πράττειν τοὺς 

\ , ‘ - 
Λακεδαιμονίους. Πρὸς δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον διημαρτήκασι μὲν ὧν ἤλπι- 


> A cos 3 , > A“ σι 3 “᾿ BA A 
σαν, OV μὴν vir EKELYOU YE αὐτου δοκοῦσιν ἐξηπατῆσθαι. Οὔτε yap 


σι 


ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐνέγραψεν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπαγγελίαν οὐδεμίαν οὔτε διὰ 
cal 5.) ΄ > , , ς , 5 a] U \ 
τῶν ἰδίων πρέσβεων ἐποιήσατό τινα ὑπόσχεσιν, ἀλλὰ ᾿Αθηναίων τινὲς 
as Q a > , 
ἦσαν οἱ τὸν δῆμον εἰς ἐλπίδα καταστήσαντες, ὡς Φίλιππος Φωκέας 
“ , A A 
σώσει καὶ τὴν Θηβαίων ὕβριν καταλύσει. 4. Διὰ τοῦτο 6 Δημοσθέ- 
- 3 ’ Ν 5 ΄ a Ce | , LY 
10 νης τῶν ἀποκρίσεων μνησθεὶς ἐπαγγέλλεται μὲν αὐτὰς δώσειν, φησὶ 
ee ard , > x A ΄ , > , Ν x 
δὲ ὅτι δίκαιον ἦν τοὺς τὴν δυσχέρειαν πεποιηκότας ἐκείνους καὶ Tas 
> , Ὕ ω 6 \ > , , A a ae) ,ὔ 
ἀποκρίσεις ἀπαιτεῖσθαι, τοὺς ἀπατήσαντας, φησί, τὸν δῆμον καὶ ἀνοί- 
, / ~ A 5 Ν 
ἕαντας Φιλίππῳ Πύλας. Ταῦτα δὲ εἰς τὸν Αἰσχίνην αἰνίττεται; προ- 
, e A > 5 ~ , a 
κατασκευαζόμενος, ὥς pact, τὴν κατ΄ αὐτοῦ κατηγορίαν τῆς παρα" 
, ἃ A 3 , Ν ὃ , 3. -ἰῷ A 
15 πρεσβείας, ἣν ὕστερον ἐνεστήσατο, καὶ προδιαβάλλων αὐτὸν πρὸς 


τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. 


“ > Υ ? n BY, , 
1. Ὅταν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, λόγοι γίγνωνται περὶ 
@ Ἵ 7 Ν 7 ἈΝ 5 / 
ὧν Φίλιππος mputte καὶ βιάζεταν παρὰ τὴν εἰρήνην, 
8 ἃς ἣν ἘΦ ῊΝ ¢ a / \ / Ν 
ἀεὶ TOUS ὑπερ ἡμῶν λόγους καὶ δικαίους καὶ φιλανθρω-- 
δὰ A / \ / ἈΝ e/ aN Ν 
20 grous ὁρω φαινομένους καὶ λέγειν μὲν ἅπαντας ἀεὶ τὰ 
/ κ \ ᾿ a 
δέοντα δοκοῦντας Tous κατηγοροῦντας Φιλίππου, γιγνό- 
" Ianr 1 yf 3 “ “ 7 Ind? φ 
μενον © οὐδεν, ᾿ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, τῶν δεόντων OVS ὧν 


« “2 3 4 yy > Ρ] > A 7 
ἕνεκα ταῦτ ἀκούειν ἄξιον. 2. Αλλ εἰς τοῦτο ἤδη 


1. ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν Bk. Β. & 5. ὡς ἔπος Σ. 





®IAINMOY B. 95 


7, , , \ , A L 
προηγμένα τυγχάνει πάντα τὰ πράγματα TH πόλει, 
e/ δὲν 4 x a Ν / 2 / f 
ὦσθ᾽ ὅσῳ τις ἂν μᾶλλον καὶ φανερωτερον εξελέγχῃ Φι- 
ῦ Ἀ Ἀ Ν © δ ἱ b>] , / \ 
λιππον Kal τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρήνην παραβαίνοντα καὶ 
- “Ἢ Ω͂ > ee s 4 A / εν 
πᾶσι τοῖς ἔλλησιν ἐπιβουλεύοντα, τοσούτῳ τὸ TL χρὴ 
a A / > yf ‘N 
ποιεῖν συμβουλεῦσαι ' χαλεπώτερον εἶναι. 3. Αἴτιον δὲ 
͵΄ , , 4 > A \ 
τούτων, OTL “πώντες, ὦ ἄνδρες AOnvatot, τους πλεονε- 
a A Μ ΄ \ , TNS 7 
κτεῖν ζητοῦντας ἔργῳ κωλύειν καὶ πράξεσιν, οὐχὶ λόγοις 
/ ral ‘ ς “ 4 / 7 ἈΝ 3 / 
δέον, πρῶτον MEV ἡμεῖς OL παριόντες τούτων μεν ade- 
Ν / Ν 7 3 Ν Ν Ν 
σταμεν, καὶ γράφειν καὶ συμβουλεύειν “διὰ τὴν πρὸς 
ς A 3 / > A - .“ ᾽ὔ ς Ν ‘ 
ὑμᾶς ἀπέχθειαν οκνοῦντες, οἷα ποιεῖ δέ, ὡς δεινὰ Kat 
, ‘ A 7 + > ase A ε 
χαλεπά, καὶ τοιαῦτα, διεξερχόμεθα. ᾿Ἐπειθ᾽ ὑμεῖς οἱ 
’ e Ν xX y , ’ Ν / 
καθήμενοι, ὡς μὲν ἂν εἴποιτε δικαίους λόγους καὶ λέ- 
+ / ΚΡ / 4 
fyovTos ἄλλου ἐσυνείητε, ἄμεινον Φιλίππου παρεσκευ- 
e XN 4 3 xX 3 An ’ὔ͵ A 3,9 
ace, ws δὲ κωλύσαιτ ἂν ἐκεινον πράττειν ταῦτα Ed 
e > Ν a r ? a Cate / ibe 
ὧν ἐστὶ νῦν, παντελῶς ἀργῶς ἔχετε. 4. Συμβαίνει δὴ 
A > “ 5 be, , 7 > 2 e / 
πρᾶγμα ἀναγκαῖον, οἶμαι, καὶ LaWS εἰκὸς " ἐν οἷς ἑκάτεροι 
/ \ be / Aes SE e / 
διατρίβετε Kai περὶ ἃ σπουδάζετε, ταῦτ᾽ ἀμεινον ἑκατέ- 
5x 3 Ve Ν . e , ςο κα 3 Σ ε 7 
ροις “ἔχειν, ἐκείνῳ μὲν al πράξεις, ὑμῖν δ᾽ οἱ λογοι. 
, Ἀ 3 Ν A , / Can 3 rf 
5. Ei μὲν οὖν καὶ viv λέγειν δικαιότερα ὑμῖν εξαρκεῖ, 
ey Ν ,ὔ > Ν ,ὔ A 7 ᾿] > 
ῥάδιον, Kat πόνος οὐδεὶς πρόσεστι τῷ πράγματι. Εἰ ὃ 
od Ν i / > 3 ᾽ὔ a a Ν Ν 
ὅπως τὰ παρόντ ἐπανορθωθήσεται δεῖ σκοπεῖν, καὶ μὴ 


προελθόντα ἔτι ποῤῥωτέρω λήσει πάνθ᾽ ἡμᾶς, μηδ᾽ ἐπι- 


1 χαλεπώτερον εἶναι Bk. χαλεπώτερον pr. Σ. Β. & S. 
2 πάντες pr. Σ. Β. & 5. πάντας ΒΚ. Ε 
3 διὰ τὴν Bk. διὰ om. Σ. Voem. Saup. 
4 ouveinre Δ΄. Bk. Β. & 5. συνίητε 5. 
5 ἔχει Bk. ἔχειν Σ. et omnes fere codd. Β. & 5. 
i 3 


-- 


»- 


0 


5 


26 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 








, , , Raw ΣῊΝ I oe ear 
στήσεται μέγεθος δυνάμεως πρὸς ἣν οὐδ᾽ ἀντᾶραι δυνη- 
/, > ¢€ NEY / [χὰ 7 A 
σόμεθα, οὐχ ὁ αὐτὸς τρόπος ὅσπερ πρότερον τοῦ Bov- 
͵΄ 3 N N a ΄, 7 N a 2 ΄ 
λεύεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοις λεγουσιν ἅπασι καὶ τοῖς ἀκοῦ- 
ς ral Ν vA Ν Ν Vg 3 3 Ν Ὁ e/ 
ουσιν ὑμῖν τὰ βέλτιστα καὶ τὰ σώσοντ ἀντὶ TOV pa- 
Ν a ς / / | 
5 OTWOV καὶ TOV ἡδίστων προαίρετεον. 
A ‘N yy 3 +f 3 A 3 a 
6. Πρῶτον ‘perv, εἰ τις, ὦ ἄνδρες AOnvaiot, Papper 
| tio. ¢ / + Ν Ὡ 7 / 3 Λ Ν 
ὁρῶν ἡλίκος ἤδη καὶ ὅσων κύριὸς ἐστι Φίλιππος, καὶ 
/ yy / / an A p. 7 5. ὩΣ 
μηδένα οἴεται κίνδυνον φέρειν τοῦτο τῇ πόλει μηδ Ed 


ἥπάντα παρασκευάζεσθαι, θαυμάζω, καὶ δεηθῆναι 


ς A 
ὑμᾶς 
, ς Δ ς a 7 Ἂς XN > A ͵ 
10 πάντων ὁμοίως ὑμῶν βούλομαι τοὺς λογίσμους ἀκοῦσαι 
X / > ἃ Ξ 7 2 Ν / 
pov διὰ βραχέων, δι ovs ταναντία ἐμοὶ παρέστηκε 
a Ν 3 - 3 ᾿ς ¢ A Λ 7d i 
προσδοκᾶν καὶ δι ὧν ἐχθρὸν ἡγοῦμαι Φίλιππον, w, 
aN XN 3 Ν A Z. a +. A 3 
ἐὰν μὲν ἐγὼ δοκῶ βέλτιον τῶν ἄλλων προορῶν, ἐμοὶ 
A 3 Ν 3 « eel eet ~ Ν 7 
πεισθῆτε. Eav δ᾽ οἱ θαῤῥοῦντες καὶ πεπιστευκότες 
2 aA 7 ? 3 Ν / 
15 αὐτῷ, τούτοις προσθήσεσθε. 7. ᾿Εγὼ τοίνυν, ὦ ἂν- 
3 a / / e Δ 
dpes A@nvaiot, λογίζομαι, τίνων ὁ Φίλιππος κύριος 
Ὁ Ν Ἂς 3 ,ὔ / a Ν a 
πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν εἰρήνην κατέστη ; Πυλῶν καὶ τῶν 
3 @ an , / 3 a 4 5 7 
ἐν Φωκεῦσι πραγμάτων. Τί οὖν; πῶς τούτοις ἐχρή- 
4 ἃ / / Ν 2 ‘\ a , 
σατο; ἃ Θηβαίοις συμφέρει καὶ οὐχ ἃ TH Tore, 
, Λ / ὔ 
2 πράττειν προείλετο. Te δὴ ποτε; ὅτι πρὸς πλεονε- 
, > Ν Ν ,ὔ ϑυ πολιοῦ fal , Ns 
Evav, οἶμαι, Kat τὸ πάνθ ὑφ ἑαυτῷ ποιήσασθαι Tovs 
Ν 3 tA ἣν Jig ON Ν ᾿ 7 3 
λογίσμους ἐξετάζων, καὶ οὐχὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην οὐδ᾽ ἡσυ- 


’ 2. Χ / Ia 7 5 A a a 
χίαν οὐδὲ δίκαιον οὐδέν, 8, εἶδε TOUT ὀρθῶς, OTL τῇ μὲν 


1 μὲν Σ. Β. & 5. μὲν οὖν Bk. Voem. 
2 πάντα Bk. Β. & 5. πάντα ταῦτα Voem. 
3 προσθήσεσθε Σ. B. & GS. προσθῆσθε Bk. 


ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΥ͂ Β΄. 27 


e _ ’ δὴ Ν a ~0 lal Ine / Oe a 
NET EPA πολέ καὶ τοὺς 2NUETL τοις μέετεροῖς OQVOEV αν 


ι9 / 2 a ar 7 ¢ ,? e / 
ἐνδείξαιτο “τοσοῦτον οὐδὲ ποιήσειεν, up οὗ πεισθέντες 


a a 3 © 3 ra 
ὑμεῖς τῆς ἰδίας ἕνεκ᾽ ὠφελείας τῶν ἄλλων τινὰς ᾿Ελλή- 


> / / 3 Ν ης A 7 ’ὔ 
VOV EKELV@ ὅπρόοισθε, αλλωα καὶ του δικαίου λόγον πού- 


/ Ν Ν a 9 / a 7 4 
OULEVOL, καὶ THY προσοῦσαν ἀδοξίαν τῷ πράγματι φεύ- 


x 7 Die 7 ΄ ς / > 
γοντες, καὶ πάνθ ἃ προσήκει προορωμενοι, ὁμοίως ἐναν- 
7 Μ a 2 a , [4 xX 
τιώσεσθε, av TL τοιοῦτον ἐπιχειρῇ πράττειν, ὥσπερ ἂν 

5 - 4 \ ἈΝ / ς 
εἰ πολεμοῦντες τύχοιτε. 9. Tous δὲ Θηβαίους ἡγεῖτο, 
« ͵ ee a - - ΄, N N 
ὅπερ συνέβη, ἀντὶ τῶν εαυτοῖς γιγνομένων Ta oLTA 
5." τ ΄ , ¢ / Ν ? [4 
ἐάσειν ὅπως βούλεται πράττειν εαυτὸν, καὶ οὐχ ὅπως 
3 ᾿ Ἂς 4 > Ν Ν 4 
ἀντιπράξειν καὶ διακωλύσειν, ἀλλα καὶ συστρατεύσειν, 
ΕΥ 2 Ν ΄ Ν A ~ / Ν ‘ 
av αὑτοὺς κελεύῃ. Καὶ νῦν τους Μεσσηνίους καὶ tous 
3 / et te = > 2 / a Ν 7 
Apyetous ταὐτὰ ὑπειληφὼς ev ᾿ ἐποίει. 10. Ὃ καὶ μέ- 
͵ ᾽ WNL aT Ε , 393 Κ΄ 3 A 
ylotov ἐστι Kal ὑμῶν ἐγκώμιον, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναίοι" 
/ N 5) 7 a ¥ , a 
κέκρισθε yap ἐκ τούτων τῶν ἔργων μόνοι τῶν πάντων 
N \ , ἈΝ \ , ΒΓ. , 
μηδενὸς av κέρδους τὰ Kowa δίκαια τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων προ- 
͵ὕ 3 3 / a. ’ > 
ἐσθαι, μηδ ἀνταλλάξασθαι μηδεμιᾶς χάριτος μηδ 
> / Ν ? Ν “ y+ Ν a 3 
ὠφελείας τὴν εἰς τοὺς Ελληνας εὑνοιαν. Kai ταῦτ 


? / Ν xe A 4 e Λ Ν Dom 
εἰκότως καὶ περὶ ὑμῶν οὕτως ὑπείληφε καὶ κατ΄ Ap- 


/ Ν / e cs 3 7ὔ 9 Ν / 
YElL@v Kat Θηβαίων ως ετέρως, οὐ μονον εἰς TA παροντα 20 


ie ee >. Ν Ν Ν Ἂς 7 / Cs 
ὁρῶν, ἀλλα καὶ Ta TPO τούτων λογιζόμενος. 11. Eupi- 
, > Ν 3 / Ν Ν e / bey 
OKEL YUP, οἶμαι, καὶ ἀκούει TOUS MEV ὑμετέρους προγό- 
2 ωΝ 2 εκ a a Μ ε / “ > 
vous, ἐξὸν αὑτοῖς τῶν λοιπῶν ἄρχειν Ελλήνων ὥστ 
1 ἡμετέροις Bk. Β. & 5. ὑμετέροις Σ. 
2 τοιοῦτον Bk. τοσοῦτον =. Β. ὦ 5. 


3 πρόοισθε F. Σ. Ὑ. Β. Η. προεῖσθε Bk. Voem. Saup. Rued. 
4 ἐποίει Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ποιεῖ Bk. 


10 


28 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


2 Ν δ ΄ a ? / 2 3 , 
αὑτοὺς ὑπακούειν βασιλεῖ, οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἀνασχομένους 

SS , a Cet) | 9. οϑβι ? Λ ¢€ vA 
τὸν λόγον τοῦτον, yvik Ἦλθεν AdeEavdpos ὁ τούτων 

’ β Ν ἮΝ A 3 Ν Ν, Ν / 3 
πρόγονος περὶ TovTwY κῆρυξ, AAG καὶ τὴν χωραν εκλι- 
lal , ἊΝ rn ς A ς / Ν 
TEL προέλομένους καὶ παθεῖν ὁτιοῦν ὑπομείναντας, καὶ 


1 / Day / 
TAVTES Qét yALyovTat 


ἊΣ tal ’ “Δ ἃ 
5 μετὰ ταῦτα πράξαντας ταῦθ ἃ 
, eS 3 In XS 9 a ? 7) δι» “δὲ 
λέγειν, ἀξίως δ᾽ οὐδεὶς εὐπεῖν δεδύνηται, διόπερ κἀγὼ 
fa / ” eet / SE ig x 
παραλείψω δικαίως (ἔστι yap “μείζονα τἀκείνων ἔργα 
Jue A , \ Υ \ x ͵ \ 55 
ἢ ὡς τῷ λόγῳ τις ἂν εἴποι), Tous δὲ Θηβαίων καὶ ’Ap- 
/ 4 Ν Ἂν Ψ": a , 
γείων προγόνους τοὺς μὲν συστρατεύσαντας τῷ βαρβα- 
᾿ς 3 2 3 , i 3 2 ΄ 
10 p@, Tous δ᾽ οὐκ ἐναντιωθέντας. 12. Οἷδεν οὖν ἀμφοτέ- 
Ia/ Ν - 2 ’ 3 4 / 
ρους ἰδίᾳ TO λυσιτελοῦν ἀγαπήσοντας, οὐχ ὃ TL συνοίσει 
a a of ἢ / ε 2 3 3 N 
κοινῇ τοῖς Ελλησι σκεψομένους. Hyetr οὖν, εἰ μὲν 
ς a Λ . Eee - / «ε , 2 3 
ὑμᾶς ἕλοιτο φίλους, ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις αἱρήσεσθαι, εἰ, ὃ 
3 7 lal Ν «“. A e n 
ἐκείνοις προσθεῖτο, συνεργοὺς ἕξειν τῆς αὑτοῦ πλεονε- 
ᾧ Ν σι. 3. .9 / 3 3 ¢ A Ν / \ A 
15 Flas. Ata ταῦτ᾽ εκείνους ἀνθ ὑμῶν Kat τότε καὶ νῦν 
[ὦ a > x dy ’ ΕΝ / 2 a 
αἱρεῖται. Ov yap δὴ τριήρεις ye ὁρᾷ πλείους αὑτοῖς 
DN RCs CA » δ 4 3 a / > 5 Ν ο΄ 
ἢ ὑμῖν οὔσας, οὐδ΄ “εν τῇ μεσογείᾳ τιν΄ ἀρχὴν εὕρηκε, 
A δὲ δ A 6 x 7 Ν a 3 , > / 
τῆς ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ τῶν εμπορίων ἀφέστηκεν, 
Owe . ν 5. Ν Ν ς ᾿ 35 
οὐδ᾽ ἀμνημονεῖ τοὺς λόγους οὐδὲ Tas ὑποσχέσεις, ἐφ 
- A % , » 
20 αἷς τῆς εἰρηνης ετυχεν. 
3 Ν Ν 7) “ \ « , a 3 5 / 
13. ἄλλα vn Al, εἴποι τίς ἂν WS παντα ταῦτ εἰδὼς, 
3 / Ψ 3.3.8 Dad a / an? 
ov πλεονεξίας ἕνεκεν OVD ὧν ἐγὼ κατηγορῶ τότε ταῦτ 
Μ»Μ > Ν “Ὁ , N “"Ἐ 
ἔπραξεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ δικαιότερα τοὺς Θηβαίους ἢ ὑμᾶς 


1 πάντες Σ. Β. & 35. πάντες μὲν Bk. 
2 μείζονα Σ. Β. ἃ 5. μείζω Bk. : ͵ 


3 ἢ ὑμῖν οὔσας Σ. Bk. ἢ ὑμῖν ἐνούσας cet. codd. Voem. 
4 ἐν Σ.Υ. Β. ἃ 5. ἐν μὲν Bk. Voem. 





®S®IAIWNNOY Β΄. 29 


> A > ‘ A Ν / 7, - , 
ἀξιοῦν. Adda τοῦτον καὶ μόνον πάντων τῶν λόγων 
> » > A A ’ “ ς 4, 7 
ϑυκ ἔνεστιν avT@ νὺν εἰπεῖν. Ο yap Μεσσήνην Aaxe- 
/ 3 / / a xX > Ν \ 
δαιμονίους ἀφιέναι κελεύων, πῶς ἂν ᾿Ορχομενὸν καὶ 
, / / ‘ a / / 
Κορωνειαν tote Θηβαίοις παραδοὺς τῷ δίκαια νομίζειν 
ae > / / 
“ταῦτ εἶναι πεποιηκέναι σκήψιαιτο ; 
3 δ; 3 , \ / a , 5 ἈΦ ΗΝ: 
14. ᾿Αλλ εβιασθη νὴ Δία (τοῦτο γάρ ἐσθ᾽ ὑπολοι- 
ἵν τ , fn r ς / A r 
πον) Kat Tapa γνώμην, τῶν Θετταλῶν ἱππέων καὶ τῶν 
/ e nr 3 / / / - 
Θηβαίων ὁπλιτῶν ἐν μέσῳ ληφθείς, TUVEYWPNTE ταῦτα. 
A ? A \ ‘ Z N δ ͵ 
Καλῶς. Οὐκοῦν φασὶ μεν μέλλειν πρὸς τους OnBai- 
: ΑΝ, ς / yf . Ν A / 
OUS αὑτὸν ὑπόπτως ἔχειν, καὶ λογοποιοῦσι περιίοντες 
x ce > 7 τ va) ε Ἀ a Ν Λ 
τίνες, ὡς Ελατειαν τειχιεί. 15. O δε ταῦτα μεν péd- 
Ν 7 ε ρ΄ ἃς 7 A 7 ‘ 
λει καὶ ἱ μελλήσει, ὡς eyo κρίνω, τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις Se 


"συμβώλ- 


Ν “ > / > Ἐὰ Ν / 
kat Tos Ἀργείοις ἐπὶ τοὺς Δακεδαιμονίους 
> Λ 3 \ Ν / 5 / Ν Α͂ 3 
Aew οὐ μέλλει, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξένους εἰσπέμπει καὶ χρήματ 

> 4. \ rd Λ yy 2 / 3 
ἀποστέλλει καὶ δύναμιν μεγώλην ἔχων αὐτὸς ἐστι 

7, Ἀ \ »“ 3 χ / 
προσδόκιμος. Tous μὲν ὄντας ἐχθρους Θηβαίων Aa- 
,ὔ ᾽ a ἃ are , , ὦ 7 
κεδαιμονίους ἀναιρεῖ, ovs ὃ ὠπώλεσεν αὐτὸς πρότερον 
‘ a , \ 7 Ἃ A 7 

Φωκέας νῦν σωζει; καὶ Tis ἂν ταῦτα πιστεύσειεν ; 
3 N Ν N ne ae e A Λ Fos 5 
16. Eye μεν yap οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἡγουμαι Φίλιππον, OUT εἰ 

Ν rn Ν Μ Ὑ > FN 3 - 3 
τὰ πρῶτα βιασθεὶς ἄκων ἔπραξεν οὐτ ἂν εἰ νῦν ἀπε- 

/ / rn 3 / ᾽ »“ σι 3 
γίγνωσκε Θηβαίους, τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐχθροῖς συνεχῶς ἐναν- 
A > 3 3 Ψ - A a 3 - > 4 
τιοῦσθαι, αλλ ap ὧν νῦν ποίει, KAKEWA EK προαίρε- 


A ’ὔ 3 z 3 / > yf 93 a 
σεως δῆλος ἐστι ποιήσας, ἐκ πάντων δ᾽ ἂν τις ὀρθῶς 


1 μελλήσει Σ. Β. & 5. μελλήσει ye Bk. Voem. 
= συμβάλλειν Σ. Υ. ΒΚ. Saup. συνεσβάλλειν vulg. 
3 οὐδ᾽ ἂν ΣΎ. Ω. οὐκ ἂν Bk. 

5: 


τ 
ta 


_ 


0 


30 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


a / Ν A - 
Ἰθεωρῇ, πάντα πραγματεύεται, κατὰ τῆς πόλεως συν- 
, Ν a3 3 3 ’, / > 2 lal 
τάττων. 17. Καὶ τοῦτ εξ ἀνάγκης τρόπον τιν αὑτῷ 
wn Ν / / , » 7 
νῦν ye δὴ συμβαίνει. Aoyifecbe yap. ἄρχειν Pov- 
/ > > Ν ’ τ /. ¢ A 
λεται, τούτου ὃ avTaywvictas μόνους ὑπείληφεν υμᾶς. 
9 a Ν " / Ν a STA nae, 7 
δ᾽ Αδικεῖ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον, καὶ τοῦτο AUTOS ἄριστα σύν- 
ὃ ς a ΟΣ Ν 3 ς ᾿ y 7 
οἰδὲεν EaUTO. is yap οὖσιν ὑμετέροις ἔχει, τούτοις 
3 3 ἴω Ψ Ἐ Ν > / 
πάντα τἄλλα ἀσφαλῶς κέκτηται. Ey yap Ἀμφίπολιν 
a Ia? \ yy / / 
καὶ Ποτίδαιαν προεῖτο, οὐδ᾽ ἂν οἰκοι μένειν βεβαίως 
a 2 , 5 5 \ oe ἈΝ iia 
ἡγεῖτο. 18. ᾿Αμφότερα οὖν οἶδε, Kat ἑαυτὸν ὑμῖν ἐπι- 
4 A ’ : / 3 ΄ > 
10 Bovrevovta Kat ὑμᾶς αἰσθανομένους. Ev φρονεῖν ὃ 
Cigna ς / Ἃ ἘῸΝ Ἂ 2 / 
ὑμᾶς ὑπολαμβάνων, δικαίως ἂν αὑτὸν μισεῖν “νομίζοι 
x “ / / a Ἃ Ν 
καὶ παρωξυνται, πείσεσθαί τι προσδοκῶν, ἂν καιρὸν 
, aN ἣν , , if. Ν a3 
λάβητε, ἐὰν μὴ φθάσῃ ποιῆσας πρότερος. Ata ταῦτ 
3 , 2 4 2° IN A Λ 7 x 
ἐγρήγορεν, ἐφέστηκεν ἐπὶ TH πόλει, θεραπεύει τινὰς, 
/ Χ > 
153 Θηβαίους καὶ Πελοποννησίων τοὺς ταὐτὰ βουλομένους 
͵΄ ἃ δ \ / N ͵ ᾽ 
τούτοις, 19. ovs διὰ μὲν πλεονεξίαν τὰ παρόντα uya- 
/ + Ἂ ἊΝ / , a x a ? 
πήσειν οἴεται, δια SE TKALOTNTA τρόπων TOV μετὰ ταῦτ 
IAN / Ase, Ν / 
οὐδὲν προόψεσθαι. Καίτοι σωφρονοῦσί ye καὶ μετρίως 
3 a 7 > ΚΜ In A aA N ν᾿ 
ἐναργῆ παραδείγματ ἔστιν ἰδεῖν, ἃ καὶ πρὸς Μεσση- 
/ Αι Ν 3 / 7 ᾽ ’ rn / 7. 
20 vious καὶ πρὸς Ἀργείους ἔμοιγ εἰπεῖν συνέβη, βέλτιον 
>» Ν Og at OM ere LO ee al 
δ᾽ tows καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐστὶν εἰρῆσθαι. 
a Ν ” Ty be A Ἢ Ν 
20. Πῶς γὰρ ovecO , env, ὦ ἄνδρες Μεσσήνιοι, δυσ- 


n 3 4 > / + / \ 
χέρως AKOVELD * Ολυνθίους, εἰ τίς TL λέγοι κατὰ Φιλίπ- 


1 θεωρῇ Δ΄. Bk. θεωρεῖ Σ. 
2 νομίζοι Σ. Υ. Ὡ. Β. ἃ 5. νομίζει Bk. 
3 Θηβαίους Σ. Υ. Β. & 5. Θηβαίων Bk. 





SIAIMNMOY B. 9.1 





3 3 ᾽ Ν / Cs ee ,,..Ὁ an XN 
ποὺ KAT ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους, OT Αἀνθεμοῦντα μὲν 
ae. ,., ἢ @ , ε , / 
ι αὐτοῖς ' ἀφίει, ἧς πάντες ot πρότερον Μακεδονίας βασι- 
ey “ 3 cal / ? Ia / ‘ 3 / 
“Reis ἀντεποιοῦντο, Ποτίδαιαν δ᾽ εδίδου τοὺς Αθηναίων 
? / Q? , ἶ Ν Ν \ y \ \ 
ἀποίκους “ἐκβάλλων, Kat τὴν μὲν ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς 
ς A Den % 3 / Ν / > 3 / 3 / 
ἡμᾶς αὐτὸς avypnTo, τὴν χωραν ὃ ἐκείνοις ἐδεδώκει 5 
= 5 A ? ‘ “- / 
καρποῦσθαι; apa προσδοκᾶν avtous τοιαῦτα πείσεσθαι, 
ΕΥ̓ ΄ Μ A Y em 3 
ἢ λέγοντος ἂν τινος πιστευσαι [οἴεσθε] ; 21. “AAX 
A Μ ae , Ν , Ν > / 
ὅμως, epnv eyw, μικρὸν χρόνον τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν Kap- 
’ ‘ A « Ὁ φις Ὁ 2 / / 
TWOUMEVOL πολυν τῆς EAUT@V ὑπ ἐκείνου OTEPOVTAL, 
> r > / 2 / / 3 Ν Ἃ 
αἰσχρῶς ἐκπέσοντες, οὐ κρατηθέντες μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ .. 
/ 6 3 > , ἃ, / . > ‘\ 
προδοθέντες ὑπ ἀλλήλων καὶ Tpabevtes. Ov yap 
᾽ Ξ ΝΥ , ε N \ , Φ 
ἀσφαλεῖς ταῖς πολιτείαις αἱ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους αὑται 
/ e / / > ε / By 35 2 > 
λίαν ὁμιλίαι. 22. Te δ᾽ οἱ Θετταλοί; ap ol, 
x” 7 > an \ ’ γω, N , 
εφην, OT αὑτοῖς Tous Tupavvovs ἐξέβαλλε καὶ παλιν 
ἢ \ 7 γκ. ἡ A \ 
Νίκαιαν καὶ Μαγνησίαν ἐδίδου, προσδοκᾶν τὴν καθε- 15 
‘al a / Μ > ς cal ΕῚ ς 
στῶσαν νῦν δεκαδαρχίαν ἔσεσθαι παρ αὑτοῖς ; ἢ τὸν 


3 τ a / 
QUT@V 7 pooo- 


x / > / A Ν Ia/ 
τὴν πυλαίαν ἀποδοντα τοῦτον τὰς ἰδίας 
, > 5 a 3 Ν ἈΝ 
Sous παραιρήσεσθαι ; οὐκ ἔστι ταῦτα. Adda μὴν 
A yA 2 Ian / a 
γέγονε ταῦτα καὶ πᾶσιν ἔστιν εἰδέναι. 23. Ὑμεῖς δ᾽, 
4 3 7 / X ἈΝ e 7 an 
εφην eyo, Sidovta μὲν καὶ ὑπισχνούμενον θεωρεῖτε 20 
Φίλ ξ τα δ᾽ ἤδ ᾿ 
ἐλύππτον, εἐξηπατηκοτα δὴ καὶ παρακεκρουμένον 
> 4 3 »] »" Ν >) -“ xy / Ἀ 
ἀπεύχεσθ᾽, εἰ σωφρονεῖτε δη, ἰδεῖν. Ἔστι τοίνυν νὴ 


7) + 3 / \ ¢e / r Λ Ν 
Ai, ednv ἐγω, παντοδαπὰ EUPNMEVA ταῖς πόλεσι προς 


1 ἀφίει Σ. ΑΞ. Saup. ἠφίει Bk. Voem. 
2 ἐκβάλλων Σ. Saup. ἐκβαλών Bk. 

3 αὑτῶν Saup. αὐτῶν Bk. Voem. 

4 


εἰ σωφρονεῖτε δὴ 2. Β. & 5. ἂν σωφρονῆτ᾽ Bk. 


32 AHMOSOENOYS O LATA 


Ν Ἂ / φ / Ν ,ὔ 
φυλακὴν καὶ σωτηρίαν, οἷον χαρακώματα καὶ τεύχη 





Ἂς iA Ν 5 f n Ἂς A 
Kab τάφροι καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα τοιαῦτα. 94. Καὶ ταῦτα 


Ϊ 





2 7 v4 ; Ν 7 rn 
μέν ἐστιν ἅπαντα χειροποίητα, Kat δαπάνης προσδεῖται. 
ἃ / Ν e / a 3 7 12 ¢ a 

Ev δὲ τι κοινον ἡ φύσις τῶν ev φρονούντων “ev EavTy 
/ 7 A A ee 3 3 Ν Ν 
5 κέκτηται φυλακτήριον, ὃ πᾶσι μὲν ἐστιν ἀγαθὸν καὶ 

, , Ν a ΄ Ἂς \ ΄ 

σωτήριον, μώλιστα δὲ τοῖς πλήθεσι πρὸς τοὺς τυρᾶν- 
7 3 2 X\ a > / 7 ᾽ὔ 

vous. Tt οὖν ἐστὶ τοῦτο; ἀπιστία. Ταύτην φυλατ- 
4 3 / 3 an 4 ’ὔ Ia 

TeTe, ταύτης ἀντέχεσθες. ᾿Εὰν ταύτην σωΐζητε, οὐδεν 

Ν Ν ᾽ὔ ' / [οὐ A > 
μὴ δεινὸν πάθητε. 25. Ti ζἕητειτε; ἔφην. “ Enev- 
/ 5 3 > ea Λ 3 7] 

10 θερίαν Εἶτ οὐχ ὁρᾶτε Φίλιππον ἀλλοτριωτάτας 
4 \ \ 7 + XN Ν 
ταύτῃ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας ἔχοντα; βασίλευς γαρ. 
καὶ τύραννος ἅ ἐχθρὸς ἐλευθερίᾳ καὶ νόμοις eva | 
t τύραννος amas εχθρος ἐλευθερίᾳ καὶ νόμοις ν 
, ? , > / " δ , a 
tios. Οὐ φυλάξεσθ᾽ “ὅπως, ἔφην, μὴ πολέμου ζητοῦν- 

> A / Gf os 
TES ἀπαλλαγῆναι δεσπότην εὕρητε ; 

ἌΝ 3 z 3 Ὁ ἣν ς 
15 26. Ταῦτ ἀκούσαντες ἐκεῖνοι, καὶ θορυβοῦντες ὡς 
9 a VA Ἂς ΧΝ δ / , Ν 
ὀρθῶς λέγεται, καὶ πολλους ETEPOUS λογους παρα τῶν 
ἢ N , 2 a N , 3. ὦ) 3 f 
πρέσβεων καὶ παρόντος ἐμοῦ καὶ πάλιν “ὕστερον ἀκού- 
ς " Ia aA 3 4 A 
σαντες, WS ἔοικεν, οὐδεν μᾶλλον ἀποσχήσονται τῆς Φι- 
/ / In}? -' 3 4 Ψ Ν 2 A , 
λίππου φιλίας οὐδ ὧν ἐπαγγέλλεται. Καὶ ov τοῦτο 
3 of ᾿] / \ / Ν 
2 ἐστιν ἀτοπον, εἰ Ϊεσσηνιοι καὶ Πελοποννησίων τινες 
3... ἃ A A " δ, δὴ παι τι 7, 
παρ ἃ τῷ λογισμῷ βέλτισθ᾽ ὁρῶσι τὶ πράξουσιν, 
4 > > ς Lal 2 ἃς δ Ν / 2 Ἂν Ἂς lal 
27. “αλλ vets αὑτοῦ Ol καὶ TUVLEVTES AUTOL καὶ τῶν 
ΕἸ 
1 ἐν ἑαυτῇ Bk. ἑαυτῇ Σ. 


2 ὅπως, ἔφην Σ. ἔφην, ὅπως Bk. _q 
3 ὕστερον ἀκούσαντες 3. Υ. ὕστερον [ἀκούσαντες] Voem, ὕστερον 


4 ἀλλ᾽ Voem. ἀλλ᾽ [εἰ] Bk. ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ Σ. F. A®. Saup. ὑμεῖς Bh. 


SIAIMMOY B. 33 


, ἘΚ 7 δ te ‘ ᾽ fe 6 Ca 
λεγόντων ᾿ακούοντες ἡμῶν, ὡς επιβουλεύεσθε, ὡς “περι- 
7 7 x Μ) 2 r 2 / > e 2 Ν 
τειχίζεσθε, “ὥστε μηδὲν ἤδη “ποιεῖν, χήσεθ᾽ ὡς ἐμοὶ 
a5 7 ς / [4 e Kunde os Ν 
δοκεῖ “πάντα ὑπομείναντες. Οὕτως ἡ παραυτίχ ἡδονὴ 
St, τ 7, a > 7 a θ᾽ e/ / 
καὶ ῥᾳστωνὴ μεῖζον ἰσχύει Tov Tol ὕστερον συνοίσειν 
4 
μέλλοντος. 
Ν x ‘\ a δ ὧν / A ΡΟ ? 
28. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τῶν ὑμῖν πρακτέων καθ ὑμᾶς av- 
ἊΝ, 7 7 xX 7 ‘\ ‘ a 
Tous ὕστερον βουλεύσεσθε, ἂν σωφρονῆτε, ἃ δὲ νῦν 
> ’ Ν / ? xX yy 3 3 ,ὔ 6 A 
ἀποκρινάμενοι Ta δέοντ ἂν ent ἐψηφισμένοι, “ταῦτα 
\ , 5 Ν 5 , a » > a x 
δὴ λέξω; ᾿Ην μεν οὖν δίκαιον, ὦ ἄνδρες Αθηναῖοι, τους 
2 7, Ὧν Ρ , 24? - 2 / ᾽ὔ 
ἐνεγκόντας ‘Tus ὑποσχέσεις, Ep αἷς ἐπείσθητε ποιῆσα- 
τ er = » κ es Μ 
σθαι την εἰρήνην, καλειν" 29. οὔτε γὰρ αὑτὸς ἂν ποτε 
ε , 7 pe ome | ς cr 90)? oo 2 Ζ 
ὑπέμεινα πρεσβεύειν, OUT ἂν ὑμεῖς oid ὅτι ἐπαύσασθε 
A > A ya / > / / 
πολεμοῦντες, εἰ τοιαῦτα πράξειν τυχόντα εἰρήνης Φι- 
᾿ 
" 2 > 5 \ ΄ > , Ν 
λιππον ὠφεσθε' αλλ ἣν πολυ τούτων ἀφεστηκότα τῷ 
/ / N , ἂν ΣΕ; ΝᾺ Ξ ; 
TOTE λεγόμενα. Kat παλιν γ €TEpous καλεῖν. Τινας ; 
\ wd > 3 -ς / Μ A ᾽ 7 aah, Ν -“ ς 7 
TOUS, ὅτ ἐγὼ γεγονυίας ἤδη τῆς εἰρήνης ὠπὸ τῆς voTE- 
cd / A 3. 3X ἈΝ oe 5 7, 
pas ἥκων πρεσβείας τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρκους, αἰσθόμενος 
, x ͵ [ 5. Ν ͵ὔ 
φενακιζομένην τὴν πόλιν, προὔλεγον καὶ διεμαρτυρόμην 


Ν 2 yy / £ Iar / 7 
καὶ οὐκ εἰων προέσθαι Πύλας οὐδὲ Φωκέας, 30. λέγον- 


ε ᾧ σις ἣν e/ 7 ee 7 Ν 
τας ὡς ey@ μεν ὕδωρ TLY@MV ELKOTWS δύστροπος Kat 2 


1 περιτειχίζεσθε 3. F.0D. περιστοιχίζεσθε Bk. 

2 ὥστε Σ. Saup. ὡς ἐκ τοῦ Ε΄. Q. ἐκ τοῦ Bk. 

3 ποιεῖν in litura Σ. Bk. Fr. ποιῆσαι pr. Σ. F. Ω. 

4 λήσεθ᾽ Bk. Saup. λήσεσθ᾽ Σ. Voem. ; 
5 πάντα 3. Β. & 35. πάντα ταῦθ᾽ Bk. πάνθ᾽ Voem. 
ὃ ταῦτα δὴ Σ. Saup. ταῦτ᾽ ἤδη Bk. 

7 τὰς ὑποσχέσεις Bk. Saup. τὰς om. Σ. Voem. 


34 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


4 ’ ν᾽ / Μ Λ > ὔ A 
δύσκολός εἰμί τις ἄνθρωπος, Φίλιππος δ᾽, ‘dep v= 
ὃς ΤᾺ a 9\ / , N N \ 
ξαισθ᾽ ἂν ὑμεῖς, eav παρέλθῃ, πράξει, καὶ Θεσπιὰς μεν 
Ν Ν a iF: Ν Ψ A / 
καὶ Πλαταιὰς τειχιεῖ, Θηβαίους δὲ παύσει τῆς ὕβρεως, 
: Pee κ᾿ Ν -“ ς n 4 4 yy Ν 
Χεῤῥόνησον δὲ τοῖς αὑτοῦ τέλεσι διορύξει, Εὐβοιαν δὲ 
N N 3 N 93 ἥν Ἐν = 3 , 
sKat τὸν Qpwrov avt Apditrodews ὑμῖν ἀποδώσει. 
an X\ ef > an 7 92 2 al 
Ταῦτα yap ἅπαντα ert τοῦ βήματος “ἐνταῦθα μνημο- 
ἣν» 3 90)? ὦ ς We 7 + > ᾿ς Χ > 
veveT 010 OTL ῥηθέντα, καίπερ ὄντες οὐ δεινοὶ τοὺς ἀδι- 
A A Ν ὃς / 7 
κοῦντας μεμνῆσθαι. 31. Καὶ τὸ πάντων αἰσχίστον, 
Ἂς al 3 3 ’ Ἂς Ἂς 3. / ‘\ > Ἂς ° 7 
καὶ τοῖς “ἐκγόνοις πρὸς Tas ἐλπίδας τὴν αὑτὴν εἰρηνὴν 
5 ΄ ᾽ / / / SHY é 
1ὸ εἶναι ταύτην ἐψηφίσασθε. Οὕτω τελέως ὑπήχθητε. 
ἊΝ al A 4 a. ἴω Si nw 4 
Τί δὴ ταῦτα νῦν λέγω Kat καλεῖν φημὶ Sew τούτους ; 
3 Ν Ἂς Ν ἣ 3 A Ν Je / 3 A Ἂς 
ἔγω νὴ τοὺς θεους τὠληθὴ μετὰ παῤῥησίας ἐρῶ πρὸς 
ς A x > 3 4 3 cd 3 3 / 
ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐκ «πόκρύψομαι. 32. Οὐχ w εἰς λοιδορίαν 
3 Ν 3 A SN 3 Μ > Cee 7 
ἐμπέσων ἐμαυτῳ μεν εξ ἰσου λογον παρ υμῖν ποιήσω, 


ἣν re 
4 καινὴν παράσχω 


a Tepe! 3. 7 3 3 A 
15 τοῖς ὃ ἐμοὶ προσκρούσασιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς 
/ A Λ lal Ἂς / Ind 
πρόφασιν Tov πάλιν τι λαβεῖν παρὰ Φιλίππου, οὐδ 
" 7. Ρ] a 3 3 a / > A 

iva ᾿ὡς ἄλλως ἀδολεσχῶ. ᾿Αλλ οἵμαί ποθ᾽ ὑμᾶς λυ- 

/ \ Λ ,ὔ A ‘\ / Ν 
πήσειν, ἃ Φιλίππος πράττει, μᾶλλον ἢ τανυνί. 33. To 

Ν A ea ra Ν 2) Note / ; X\ 
yap πρᾶγμα ὁρῶ mpoPatvoy, Kat ovyt "βουλοίμην ἂν 


an εἰκάζειν ὀρθῶς, φοβοῦμαι δὲ μὴ λίαν ἐγγὺς ἢ τοῦτ᾽ ἤδη. 


1 ὅπερ Σ. Ὡ. Saup. ἅπερ Bk. Voem. 

2 ἐνταῦθα Σ. Saup. ἐνταυθοῖ Bk. cui tamen ἐνταυθὶ h. 1. rectius 
esse videtur. ‘i 

3 ἐκγόνοις 3. Υ. Al. Saup. ἐγγόνοις Bk. ἐγγόνοις F 

4 καινὴν Bk. Saup. καὶ viv 5. Y. Voem. 

5 ὡς ἄλλως 3. Saup. τὴν ἄλλως Bk. 

6 βουλοίμην 3. Saup. βουλοίμην μὲν Bk. 


®IAIMMOY B. - 2S 


a s In? CA 4 -“ 2 / / a 
Οταν οὖν μηκεθ ὑμῖν ἀμελεῖν ἐξουσία γίγνηται τῶν 
/ > 3 7 > ἉΦ ΠΝ 3,9 c al 3 Ν 
συμβαινόντων, und ἀκούηθ᾽, ὅτε ταῦτ Eh ὑμᾶς ἐστὶν, 
? A \ A n ? ? ἢ Ἦν ΄, CP \ 3 
ἐμοῦ μηδὲ τοῦ δεῖνος, ἀλλ αὐτοὶ πάντες ὁρᾶτε καὶ εὖ 
ΨῚ 5 /. \ n ες κω Υ / 
εἰδῆτε, ὀργίλους Kal τραχεῖς ὑμᾶς ἔσεσθαι νομίζω. 
A Ν Ὗ a / / 24)? 
34. Φοβοῦμαι δὴ μὴ τῶν πρέσβεων σεσιωπηκότων, eb 5 
Ὁ ς al 7 / -“ , » 
οἷς αὑτοῖς συνίσασι δεδωροδοκηκότες, τοῖς ἐπανορθοῦν 
/ a x 7 > / a > 
TL πειρωμένοις τῶν διὰ τούτους ἀπολωλότων TH παρ 
em > an κ᾿ ‘ne ry A \ ς ᾿ Ν 
ὑμῶν ὀργῇ περίπεσειν συμϑῃ. Ορῶ yap ὡς τὰ πολλὰ 
> pest 5) \ aaa ¢ 2 ἘΠ Ν rae. κα , 
ἐνίους οὐκ εἰς TOUS αἰτίους, GAN εἰς TOUS ὑπὸ χεῖρα μώ- 
\ 3 x > / “ 3 Υ λ 
λιστα τὴν οργὴν αφιέντας. 35. Εως οὖν ere μέλλει 10 
Ν / Ν / Ν ai 2 / 
καὶ συνίσταται Ta πράγματα καὶ κατακουομεν αλλη- 
ec ς nr / 3 A 3 7 Ὡ ] 3 
λων, ἕκαστον ὑμῶν, καίπερ ἀκριβῶς εἰδότα, ὅμως | ETra- 
7 ᾿ ΄ / ¢e / / Ν 
ναμιμνήσκεσθωι βούλομαι, τίς ὁ Φωκεας πείσας καὶ 
2 7 , 7 Φ Ν Ἄν , 
Πύλας ποιήσας προέσθαι, ὧν καταστὰς ἐκεῖνος κύριος 


A FT, im XN 3 τις ς A Ν A p 7 
τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν Αττικὴν ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς εἰς Πελοπόννησον 15 


_ 


κύριος γέγονε, καὶ πεποίηχ᾽ ὑμῖν μὴ περὶ τῶν δικαίων 
μηδ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων εἶναι τὴν βουλήν, ἀλλ᾽ 
ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττροὴν πολέ- “ 
μου, ὃς λυπήσει μὲν ἕκαστον, ἐπειδὰν" παρῇ, γέγονε βρῇ 
ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ. 36. Εἰ γὰρ μὴ παρεκρούσθητε 30 
τόθ᾽ ὑμεῖς, οὐδὲν ἂν ἦν τῇ πόλει πρᾶγμα. Οὔτε γὰρ 
ναυσὶ δήπου κρατήσας εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἦλθεν a ἂν ποτε 


στόλῳ Φίλυππος οὔτε ἭΝ βαδίξων ὑπὲρ τὰς Πύλας 
μι. 2 | ᾿ 


v 
& ¥ 


1 ἐπαναμιμνήσκεσθαι S.Saup. ἐπαναμνῆσαι Bk. Voem. 


2 Πύλας ποιήσας Σ. Saup. Πύλας ὑμᾶς Bk. Voem Haud scio 
an ποιήσας Tejiciendum sit. 


36 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA @IAINNOY Β΄. 
καὶ Φωκέας, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τὰ δίκαι ἂν ἐποίει καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην 
“ἄγων ἡσυχίαν εἶχεν, ἢ mapaypiye ay ἣν ε ἐν ὁμοίῳ πο- 
λέμῳ Oe ὃν τότε τῆς εἰρήνης FT (oped τος .. Ταῦτ᾽ 
οὖν ὡς μὲν ὑπομνῆσαι, νῦν Ἔπμλα εἴρηται, ἢ δ᾽ 
5 ἐξετασθείη μάλιστ᾽ ἀκριβῶς, μὴ γένοιτο, ὦ πάντες θεοί. 
Οὐδένα γὰρ βουλοίμην ἱ ἔγωγε ἄν, ovd εἰ δίκαιός ἐστ᾽ 
ἀπολωλέναι, μετὰ τοῦ πάντων κινδύνου καὶ τῆς ζημίας 


δίκην ὑποσχεῖν. 


1 ἔγωγε ἄν Σ. Saup. ἂν ἔγωγε BE. ἔγωγ᾽ ἄν Voem. 


AHMOXOENOTS 


OP rray of AT PST er 


AIBANIOY ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ. 


« a a , , e ε , , \ , 8 

Απλῆ τοῦ λόγου τούτου ἡ ὑπόθεσις. Φιλίππου yap λόγῳ μὲν 
εἰρήνην ἄγοντος, ἔργῳ δὲ πολλὰ ἀδικοῦντος, συμβουλεύει τοῖς ᾿Αθη- 

, ε ς,ὕ > a \ Ns , e , 
ναίοις ὁ ῥήτωρ ἀναστῆναι καὶ ἀμύνασθαι τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς κινδύνου 


“ > ΄“΄ 3 “ “ ~ σ΄. 
μεγάλου καὶ αὐτοῖς ἐπικρεμαμένου καὶ πᾶσι κοινῇ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. 





A 3 yy 3 a , / 
1. Πολλῶν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, λόγων γιγνομένων 
>) / r 7 ce ’ 3 7 Ἀ - dL 
ολίγου δεῖν καθ εκάστην εκκλησίαν περὶ ὧν Φιλιππος, 
5. ,3 - Ἃ 2 ; ? ᾽ὔ 2 , GLA 3 Ν ἈΝ 
ap οὐ THY εἰρηνὴην ἐποίησατο, οὐ μόνον ὑμᾶς ἀλλα καὶ 
\ yo. ? ay / 3 5..2 f , 
tous ‘addous ἀδικεῖ, πάντων εὖ oid ὅτι φησαντων 
᾽ A 3 x ~ a al Ν / - Ν 
Ὑ ἂν, εἰ καὶ μὴ TOLOVTL τοῦτο, καὶ λέγειν δεῖν καὶ 
/ “ roe ΄ a vA Ν / 
πράττειν, ὅπως EKELVOS παύσεται τῆς ὕβρεως καὶ δώ- 
oe , ? AA. Ὁ , Η \ , 

Knv δώσει, εἰς τοῦθ υπηγμένα πάντα τὰ πραγματα 
Ν 7] e “Ὁ e/ / Ν / XN 
καὶ προειμένα OPW, ὥστε δέδοικα μὴ βλασφημον μεν 

? a > Ν 3:3 > Ν 7 7 3 ΄, 

εὐπεῖν, ἄληθες 5 ἢ" εἰ καὶ λέγειν ἅπαντες ἠβούλον- 
« ἊΣ Ν r ¢ al by] - ε 

TO οἱ TTAPLOVTES καὶ χειροτονεῖν ὑμεῖς, εξ ὧν ὡς φαυ- 


1 ἄλλους pr. Σ. Saup. ἄλλους Ἕλληνας = ΒΚ. Voem 
« 


38 AHMOS@ENOYS O KATA 


/ 3 + Ν 4 > e/ > x e A 
AoTaT ἔμελλε Ta πράγμαθ᾽ ἕξειν, οὐκ ἂν ἡγοῦμαι 
7 rn A n a ~ δ 
δύνασθαι χεῖρον ἢ ‘pov διατεθῆναι. 2. Πολλὰ μεν 
> oF aN " 2 ΄ N ? > A ar “a7 
οὖν LOWS ἐστὶν αἰτία “τούτων, καὶ οὐ Tap ἕν οὐδε δύο 
᾽ a Ν 7 Soe ἥ > »+ 2 

εἰς τοῦτο Ta πράγματ᾽ ἀφικται, μάλιστα δ᾽, ἄνπερ ἐξε- 
, 5 a δ Σὶν Ν ‘\ / a ΕΝ 
5 τάζητε ὀρθῶς, εὑρήσετε διὰ τοὺς χαρίζεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ 
ἈΝ ἢ , Φ \ / 5 
ta βέλτιστα λέγειν προαιρουμένους, ὧν τίνες MEV, ὦ 
“, 3 a 3 “Ὁ 3 A 3 Ἂν Ν a 7 
ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐν οἷς εὐδοκιμοῦσιν αὐτοὶ καὶ δύναν- 
A 7 2 / X lal / 
ται, ταῦτα. φυλάττοντες οὐδεμίαν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων 
, “ ΘΓ Hea) le. JA yo a » 
πρόνοιαν ἔχουσιν, “] οὔκουν οὐδ᾽ ὑμᾶς οἴονται δεῖν ἔχειν,] 
A XN Χ ᾿ς cr / Sf 3 , Ἂς 
10 ἕτεροι δὲ TOUS ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὄντας αἰτιώμενοι καὶ 
Ia Μ A 1 ie ¢ , > 
διαβαλλοντες οὐδὲν ἄλλο ποιοῦσιν ἢ ὅπως *1) πόλις παρ 
Cun Ve , \ Ν OF 2 / 3 
αὑτῆς δίκην λήψεται καὶ περὶ TOUT ἔσται, Φιλίππῳ ὃ 
Ie ἢ \ ͵ N / , ΄ ες aX 
ἐξέσται καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν ὃ TL βούλεται. Αἱ δὲ 
a a / / 5 Cine Μ mv 
τοιαῦται πολιτεῖαι συνήθεις μὲν εἰσιν ὑμῖν, arTLaL δὲ 
a a 2 a 3 3 y+ 3 a εν ὁ 
16 ὅχῶν κακῶν. 3. Akio δ᾽, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐάν τι 
an 3 a Ν at / / / x 
τῶν ἀληθῶν μετὰ παρῥησίας λέγω, μηδεμίαν μοι διὰ 
tal 2 ε a » Ἂς / a Ν € 7 
τοῦτο παρ ὑμῶν ὀργὴν γενέσθαι. Σ᾽ κοπεῖτε γὰρ ὧδέ" 
ς a x de / “aE. x a 7 vg! Ν 
ὕμεις τὴν παρῥησίαν ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων οὕτω κοινὴν 
+ tal 3 rn a 2 (a) , A \ a 
οἰεσθε δεῖν εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν TH πόλει, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς 
i. Ἂς rn 7. > A , Ν 
20 ξένοις καὶ τοῖς δούλοις αὐτρῇς μεταδεδωκατε, καὶ πολ- 
eee ed Υ > 6e δὶ Ν ’ ? 
Rous ἄν τις οἰκέτας LOoL Tap “ὑμῖν μετὰ πλείονος ἐξ- 
1 νῦν pr. Σ. F. Ω. νῦν αὐτὰ Bk. Voem. 
2 τούτων Σ. Saup. τοῦ ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχειν Bk. 
3 [οὔκουν .... ἔχειν,] om. pr. Σ. Saup. οὔκουν .... ἔχειν, Bk 
Voem. 
4 ἡ πόλις 3. Saup. ἡ μὲν πόλις αὐτὴ Bk. Voem. 


5 τῶν κακῶν Σ. Saup. τῆς ταραχῆς καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων Bk. 
6 ὑμῖν Bk. ἡμῖν Σ. Saup. 


®IAINnOY IY. 39 


/ 7 ΄ , x / 3 πο 
ουσίας ὃ τι βούλονται λέγοντας ἢ πολίτας ἐν ἐνίαις 
a Og / 3 Ν 7 x 4 
τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων, Ex δὲ TOU συμβουλεύειν παντα- 
> / 9A? ¢ A / > / 
πᾶσιν εἐξεληλάκατε. 4. Εἶθ᾽ ὑμῖν συμβέβηκεν ἐκ τού- 
> ‘\ ral > / An ἈΝ 4 
TOV, ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τρυφᾶν καὶ κολακεύεσθαι 
/ Ν ς x 3 / > Ν A 7 ‘ 
πάντα πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀκούουσιν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ 5 
- / Ν al 3 / y+ 4 5 
τοις γυγνομένοις περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων non κινδυνεύειν. Εἰ 
δ > \ ΄ι c / 2 Μ / / > 
μεν οὖν καὶ νῦν οὕτω διάκεισθε, οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω: εἰ 
δ ἃ ΄ Ν 7 3 , ἃν, ΝΗ “ 
δ᾽ ἃ συμφέρει χωρὶς κολακείας ἐθελήσετε ἀκούειν, ἕτοι- 
/ X 3, 5 4 = Ν 7 
μος λέγειν. Καὶ γὰρ εἰ πάνυ φαύλως τὰ πράγματα 
Μ Ν Ν = Ὡ y+ aN ς al Ν 
EXEL καὶ πολλὰ προεῖται, ὅμως ἐστιν, εἂν ὑμεῖς τὰ ιὸ 
a a 4. 3 » ὔ a > 7 
δέοντα Tovey βούλησθ᾽, ers πάντα ταῦτα ἐπανορθώ- 
Ν / ‘ yy 5 Ν \ Λ 
σασθαι. 5. Καὶ παραδοξον μὲν ἴσως ἐστὶν ὃ μέλλω 
/ 3 Ν / A 7 ΡῚ A ᾽7 
λέγειν, ἄληθες δὲ" τὸ χείριστον ἐν τοῖς παρεληλυθόσι, 
a τ Ν Zz 4 e / 7 > 
τοῦτο πρὸς Ta μέλλοντα βέλτιστον ὕπαρχει. Τί οὖν 
3 + a τ 5 Ν Μ / Jar a / 
ἐστὶ τοῦτο ; OTL οὔτε μίκρον οὔτε μέγα οὐδὲν τῶν δεὸν- 15 
7 e al - Ν / yy τς oy 
των ποιούντων υμῶν κακῶς τὰ πράγματα EXEL, επεί 
" ’ὔ 3 Ἁἃ a / ε΄ 4 
Tol, εἰ πανθ ἃ προσῆκε πραττόντων οὕτω διέκειτο, 
πτ ἃ 9 ν. 5 δίας , / A Ν a 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἐλπὶς ἢν αὑτὰ γενέσθαι βελτίω. Nov δὲ τῆς 
Ν e / a e 4 Ν. A > / J 
μὲν ῥᾳθυμίας τῆς ὑμετέρας καὶ τῆς ἀμελείας κεκράτηκε 
A ΔΛ 3 3 ’ὔ ad 7 
Φίλιππος, τῆς πόλεως δ᾽ οὐ κεκράτηκεν, οὐδ᾽ ἥττησθε 30 
Ca > 3 2. Χ 7 
ὑμεῖς, GAN οὐδὲ κεκίνησθε. 
, XN 9 7 e A }. A 
[6. 1 Ei μὲν οὖν ἅπαντες "ὡμολογοῦμεν Φίλιππον τῇ 


L a Ν x - eae 4 , Iar 
πόλει πολεμεῖν καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην παραβαίνειν, οὐδὲν 


1 δῷ 6, 7. Εἰ μὲν οὖν .... πολεμεῖν δεῖ. om. pr. Σ. in margine 
autem rec. Σ. 
2 ὡμολογοῦμεν Bk. ὁμολογοῦμεν Σ. 


40 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


5 “7 Ἂς / , Ν 7 \ of 
ἄλλο edee TOV παρίοντα λέγειν καὶ συμβουλεύειν ἢ ὅπως 
3 7 Ἂς cs Io 3 / 3 ἧς 
ἀσφαλέστατα καὶ ῥᾷστα αὑτὸν ἀμυνούμεθα. ᾿Επειδὴ 
ΝᾺ τῶ IY x ΄ cf , 
δὲ οὕτως ἀτόπως ἔνιοι διάκεινται, ὥστε πόλεις κατα- 
/ 3 / Ἂν Ν “ ς , yy 
λαμβώνοντος ἐκείνου καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ὑμετερὼν ἔχοντος 
Ν f 3 ’ 3 A 3 / / > 
5 καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἀδικοῦντος ἀνέχεσθαί τινων εν 
a 3 / / if « e an / 5 
TALS ἐκκλησίαις λεγοντων πολλακίς, ὡς ἡμῶν τινες εἰσι 
e a XS , 3 , / Ἂς 
οἱ ποιοῦντες τὸν πόλεμον, ἀνώγκη φυλάττεσθαι καὶ 
A Ν ,)» >/ \ / / 3 
διορθοῦσθαι περὶ τούτου. 7. Eats γὰρ δέος, μὴ ποθ 
ε 3 C4 fd Ν vA Ἵ Ν 
ὡς ἀμυνούμεθα γράψας καὶ συμβουλεύσας τις εἰς τὴν 
; ν 4 2 ‘ A / ὃν rE PR Ν 
10 αἰτίαν ἐμπέσῃ τοῦ πεποιηκέναι τὸν πόλεμον. yo 
Ν A a e 4 4 Ν / r >,? 
δὲ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἁπάντων λέγω καὶ διορίζομαι, εἰ ἐφ 
ἜΑ Die ten N / N a , 4:5} 
ἡμῖν ἐστὶ τὸ βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τοῦ πότερον εἰρήνην 
“ Χ a a ᾽ Χ 5 x” Some 
ἄγειν ἢ πολεμεῖν Set.] 8. Εἰ μὲν οὖν ἔξεστιν εἰρήνην 
+ A , Q > PR) ξ a ᾽ x = pee) 5 00 
ἄγειν τῇ πόλει καὶ eh ἡμῖν ἐστὶ τοῦτο, ἐν ἐντεῦθεν 
“ NG ASV. +o CoA r Q Q A 
15 ἄρξωμαι, φημὶ ἔγωγε ἄγειν ἡμᾶς δεῖν, Kat τὸν ταῦτα 
/ ͵- ‘ / Ν Χ / > a 
λέγοντα γράφειν καὶ πράττειν καὶ μὴ φενακίζειν ἀξιῶ. 
ὍΣ 3 ον X\  «ολ 3 ΄“΄ XQ y Ν γ 
Εἰ δ᾽ ἕτερος τὰ ὅπλα ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχων καὶ δύναμιν 
Ν Ss (yoke + > Ν A ᾿] , Cea 
πολλὴν περί αὑτὸν τοὔνομα μεν TO τῆς εἰρήνης ὑμῖν 
7. a 7. ¥ 3 ΦᾺΣ a “- / a 
“προβάλλει, τοῖς ὃ Epyols αὐτὸς τοις TOU πολέμου χρη- 
͵ Ν “ ἣν 5, 12 , \ 
207A, τέ λοιπὸν ἄλλο πλὴν ἀμύνεσθαι; φάσκειν δὲ 
τ Ψ Μ᾿ 3 7. 7 3 a > 
εἰρήνην ἄγειν εἰ βούλεσθε, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος, οὐ διαφέρο- 
? / / τ / ie / 2 
μαι. 9. Εἰ δὲ τις ταύτην εἰρήνην ὑπολαμβάνει, ἐξ ἧς 


3 a / οὐ Ν 5.,3 A a 
ἐκεῖνος πάντα τἄλλα λαβὼν eh ἡμᾶς ἥξει, πρῶτον 


1 Ἐγὼ δὲ ἴῃ margine Σ. “Ey δὴ Bk. Saup. 
2 προβάλλει Σ. Saup. Bk. ed. Oxon. 1823. προβάλλεται Bk, 
ed. pr. 


®@IAINNOY I. 41 


Ἀ / Μ > / > ς a > Om ᾽ 
μεν μαίνεται, ETELTA ἐκείνῳ παρ ὑμῶν, οὐχ ὑμὶν παρ 
᾽ 7 Ν > / / n > 3 QA aA a 3 
ἐκείνου τὴν εἰρήνην λέγει. Τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν Ὁ τῶν ava- 

/ ’ , /. > la ὗς" 
λισκομένων χρημώτων πάντων Φίλιππος ὠνείται, αὐτὸς 

Ν 4 "ς΄ e “ ς > ς “ XN Ν a 
μὲν πολεμεῖν ὑμῖν, UP ὑμων δὲ μὴ πολεμεισθαι. 

\ > >] / / A cd “Δ 

10. Kat μὴν εἰ μέχρι τουτου περίμενουμεν, Ews ἂν 
en ς ’ a / 3 Ἢ ᾽ ͵7ὕ 

ἡμίν ομολογήσῃ πολεμεῖν, πάντων ἐσμεν εὐηθέστατοι. 

Iar Ν \ FUN x 3 ἣν “νὰ / Ν Ν 

Οὐδὲ γὰρ, ἂν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀττικὴν αὐτὴν βαδιξῃ καὶ τὸν 

A Ae, "ἢ r ” “Ὁ ὃς ἊΝ Μ / 
Πειραιᾶ, TOUT ἐρεῖ, ELTTED OLS προς TOUS ἄλλους πεποί- 
ie = , A XN \ 3 / 
mke δεῖ τεκμαίρεσθαι. 11. Τοῦτο μὲν yap Ολυνθίοις 
, 2 A / A , ’ 3 “ “Ὁ 
τετταράκοντ ἀπέχων τῆς πόλεως σταδια εἶπεν, OTL Set 
“ , 1A? , Ἀν ΄ Ἐς σὺ πὴ ON 
δυοῖν θώτερον, ᾿ἢ κείνους ev Ολύνθῳ μὴ οἰκεῖν ἢ αὑτὸν 
2 | ae eae Ν yx , 4 7s 
ev Μακεδονίᾳ, πάντα τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, εἰ TLS αὐτὸν 
>) 4 ’ὔ a 5 A ἈΝ 7 Ly 
αἰτιάσαιτο TL τοιοῦτον, ἀγανακτῶν καὶ πρέσβεις πεμ- 


Ἂς > / - > ? / «ς 
πὼν τοὺς ἀπολογησομένους " τοῦτο ὃ εἰς Φωκέας ὡς 


Ν / > / Ν / / 3 
πρὸς συμμάχους ἐπορεύετο, καὶ πρέσβεις Φωκέων ἦσαν 13 


mx ΄ δι δ δὶ , ‘ ἄν 5 €) elas ἡ 
δὲ παρηκολούθουν αὐτῷ πορευομένῳ, καὶ Tap ἡμῖν ἢρι- 
ε Ν / ? ’ Ν > / 
fov “οἱ πολλοὶ Θηβαίοις ov λυσιτελήσειν τὴν ἐκείνου 
7 Ν Ν Ν Ν / e Λ Ν 
πάροδον. 12. Καὶ μὴν καὶ Φερας πρῴην ὡς φίλος καὶ 


σύμμαχος εἰς Θετταλίαν ἐλθὼν ἔχει καταλαβών. Καὶ 


ἣν - ~ , > / Ἂν 
τα τελευταία τοῖς ταλαύπωροις ρείταις τουτοισὶ ἐπι- 30 


΄ 2 Ν ΄ / 3 
σκεψομένους ἐφὴ τοὺς στρατιωτας πεπομφέναι κατ 


Μ / Ν ΡῚ ἈΝ ε A Ν 
εὔνοιαν. Πυνθανεσθαι γὰρ αὑτοὺς ὡς νοσοῦσι καὶ 


/ / > 4 Ν Λ 3 A 
ὃ στασιάζουσιν, συμμάχων δ᾽ εἶναι καὶ φίλων ἀληθινῶν 


1 ἢ ᾽κείνους Rued. Fr. ἢ ἐκείνους Bk. Saup. 
2 of πολλοὶ S. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 5. of om. Bk. Voem. 
3 στασιάζουσιν Σ. Al. Saup. στασιάζουσιν ἐν αὑτοῖς Bk. 


4 


42 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


3 A , a a bc eb) δ 3 
ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις καιροῖς παρεῖναι. 13. ᾿ Εἶτ᾽ οἴεσθ 
πίω», αὐλός oe \ Fea. ὁ ἡ ἢ \ a ? 
αὐτόν, Ol ἐποίησαν μεν οὐδὲν ἂν κακὸν, μὴ παθεῖν ὃ 
2 / 2 ΔΝ 7 / Ν 2 a ς a 
ἐφυλάξαντ ἂν tows, τούτους μὲν e€aTratav αἱρεισθαι 
a \ / , cours yo Ie? 
μᾶλλον ἢ προλέγοντα BraecOar, vuw δ᾽ εκ προῤῥη- 
, N Ay)? ef x Ch, 3 A 
δ σεως πολεμήσειν, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ἕως ἂν eExovTes εξαπατᾶ- 
2 " a. N κ \ 2 , 
ae; οὐκ ἐσίι ταῦτα. 14. Καὶ yap av αβελτερωτατος 
Υ 3 , ς a 3 / ¢ a Ν 
εἴη πάντων ἀνθρώπων, εἰ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ὑμῶν μηδεν 
2 ΄, ᾽ a > 3 ¢ = eee! Ν > / 
εγκαλουντων αὐτῷ, ἀλλ᾿ υμων αὐτῶν TWAS αὐτιωμένων 
Ν / 3 lal 9 ’΄ Ἂς Ν 3 
καὶ κρίνειν βουλομένων, Exetvos ἐεκλύσας τὴν πρὸς ad- 
, “ ς κα τ / ne oa Ν ,ὔ 
0 λήλους εριν ὑμῶν καὶ φιλονεικίαν Eh εαὑυτὸν προεῦποι 
= / Ν Ὁ 3 » - ᾽’ὔ’ X 
τρέπεσθαι, καὶ τῶν Tap αὑτοῦ μισθοφορούντων τους 
, and @ 3 / eon , e 
Aoyous ἀφελοιτο, οἷς αναβαλλουσιν vpas, λέγοντες ὡς 
3 Ὁ re 4 > rn a , 
EXELVOS γε OV πολέμει τῇ πολεῖι. 
3 3.» 3 x a / - 3 a] 
15. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔστιν, “ὦ πρὸς τοῦ Διός, ὅστις εὖ φρονῶν 
3 a 5 , a Μ a po νὰ κ 7 3 
15 ἐκ τῶν ὀνομάτων μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν πραγμάτων τὸν ayovT 
3407. ΕἾ A eT: A , aia ser InN , 
εἰρήνην ἢ πολεμοῦνθ᾽ εἑαυτῷ σκέψαιτ ἂν; οὐδεὶς δη- 
Ἑ if Λ 3 > A 5, me) 3 ’ 
που. O τοινυν Φίλιππος εξ ἀρχῆς, ἄρτι τῆς εἰρήνης 
’ : » f aA Jar rf 
γεγονυίας, οὕπω Διοπείθους στρατηγοῦντος οὐδὲ τῶν 
Ε2 ᾽ die , a 3 / fe ἣν 
ὄντων ἐν Χερῥονησῳ νῦν ἀἁπεσταλμένων, ΣΈέρῥιον καὶ 
, et ΕΝ, N \ 3 Des , wy 
20 Δορίσκον “ἐλάμβανε καὶ τοὺς ἐκ Σεῤῥίου τείχους καὶ 
ςε A Μ ’ 3 / \ « ¢ / 
Iepov opovs otpatiwtas ἐξεβαλλεν, ovs. ὁ ὑμέτερος 
ἣν 4 , / A ΄ ! 
στρατηγος “κατέστησεν. Καίτοι ταῦτα πράττων Tt 
1 Kir οἴεσθ᾽ .... ἂν κακόν, 3. Bk. Εἶτ᾽ οἴεσθε οἱ μὲν οὐδὲν ἂν 
αὐτὸν ἐδυνήθησαν ποιῆσαι, vulg. vid. Speng. Diss. p. 174. 
2 ὦ vid. Funkh. Obs. erit. p. 5. qui ὦ melius esse intelligit, 


3 ἐλάμβανε Σ. Saup. κατελάμβανε Bk. Voem. 
4 «ατέστησεν Σ. F. ¥. Q. Saup. ἐγκατέστησεν Dk. 





@IAINNMOY YI. 43 


- , gp κ Ν + , N \ 
ἐποίει ; εἰρήνην μὲν γὰρ οὁμωμόκει. 16. Kat μηδεὶς 
" \ Absa ἃ és νὰ / ΄ Λ A , 
εἴπη, τί δὲ ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν, ἢ τί τούτων μέλει τῇ πόλει ; 
’ ‘ Ν ies | a ΕΥ Se Prin δὰ pe ΕΣ 
Et μὲν γὰρ μικρὰ “ταῦτα ἢ μηδεν υμῖν αὐτῶν ἐμελεν, 
ΝΥ. \ of / e Ν ? 2 Ν Ν Ν / 
ἄλλος ἂν etn λόγος ovtos. To ὃ evaeBes καὶ τὸ δί- 
ἂν T ἐπὶ μικροῦ τις ἂν T ἐπὶ μείζονος παραβαί 
KQLOV ἂν T ἐπὶ μικροῦ τις μ ς παραβαίνῃ, 
ΧΝ > Ν et 7 A ἣΝ A [2 YER 5 
τὴν αὑτὴν ἔχει δύναμιν. 17. Φέρε δὴ νῦν, ἡνίκ εἰς 
er A \ N , en e 
Χεῤῥόνησον, nv Bacirevs καὶ πάντες οἱ Ελληνες vpe- 
΄ 2 , 3 , . ͵, \ a 
τέραν εγνωκασιν εἶναι, Eevovs εἰσπέμπει Kat βοηθεῖν 
e “Ὁ Ν 3 Λ lol / »“ \ Ν 
ομολογενι καὶ ETTLOTEANEL ταῦτα, TL ποίει ; "φησὶ μεν 
Ν 3 - ὍΝ A 3 7 / a al 
yap οὐ πολεμεῖν, eyw δὲ “τοσούτῳ δέω ταῦτα ποιοῦντα, 
ΕἸ al x e fr Ν Ν ς - > ᾽ὔ e/ 
ἐκεῖνον ἄγειν ὁμολογεῖν τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρήνην, ὥστε 
Ν ’ / Ν ? 2 / / 
καὶ Meyapwy ἁπτόμενον καὶ ev Ευβοίᾳ τυραννίδα κα- 
/ XX “-“ sts / / \ Ν 3 
τασκευαζοντα καὶ νῦν ἐπὶ Θρᾷκην παριόντα καὶ τὰ ἐν 
’ ’ὔ Ν ’ὔ > Ὁ Ἄς τω 
Πελοποννήσῳ σκευωρούμενον καὶ πανθ΄᾽, ὅσα πράττει 
Ν - “4 A 4 Ν ‘ 3 ’ὔ’ 
μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ποιοῦντα λύειν φημὲ τὴν εἰρήνην 
Ν re δὴ “δι >) » Ν Χ Ν , ? 
καὶ πολεμεῖν ὑμῖν, EL μὴ καὶ TOUS τὰ μηχανήματα edt- 
, a Μ ᾽ὔ “ Ἃ > a - / 
στάντας εἰρήνην ἄγειν φήσετε, EWS ἂν αὑτὰ τοῖς τείχε- 
Μ , > 3 2 7 ε , e@ 
aw ἤδη ᾿προσάγωφιν. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ φήσετε. “O yap, ois 
x Di uN / a , \ , 
av eyo ληφθείην, ταῦτα πράττων καὶ κατασκευαζόμε- 
Φ 3. aN a x 7 ͵, Ν ΄΄ 
νος, OVTOS EOL πολεμεῖ, κἂν μήπω βαλλῃ μηδε τοξεύῃ. 


/ 9 τ “- ΄ a oF 7 / a 
18. Τίσιν οὖν ὑμεῖς κινδυνεύσαιτ᾽ ἂν, εἰ TL γένοιτο; τῷ 


1 ταῦτα >. Saup. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. ὅδ. ταῦτά ἐστιν Bk. Voem. 

2 φησὶ Bk. Rued. φῆις Σ. φὴς B. ἃ 5. 

3 τοσούτῳ Σ. vid. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 5. τοσούτου Bk. Saup. 

4. προσάγωσιν Σ. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 6. Β. & 5. rpocayaywow 
Bk. Voem. 


_— 


5 


44 AHMOSOCENOYS O KATA 


ἣν ε Ψ 3 A a ’ 
tov Ελλησποντον ' ἀλλοτριωθῆναι, TO Μεγάρων καὶ 
A >? / Ν ἴω > ς “ / 4 
τῆς Εὐβοίας τὸν πολεμοῦνθ᾽ ὑμῖν γενέσθαι κύριον, τῷ 
a / > / A > Ν an 
Πελοποννησίους taxeivou φρονῆσαι. Εἶτα τὸν τοῦτο 
Ν , 2.58 Ν , 9¢ ͵ A 2 7 
τὸ μηχάνημα ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν “ἱσταντα, τοῦτον εἰρήνην 
yy as A Ν Coa A Ν Aig ὅτι. 3 
Saye eyo φῶ πρὸς υμᾶς ; πολλοῦ γε καὶ 5 δεῖ, ἀλλ 
949 @ e if 3 ' / 2 IN 4 + > 8. Ἂς 
ah ἧς ἡμέρας ἀνεῖλε Φωκέας, ἀπὸ ταύτης Eywy αὑτὸν 
- ¢e / tan κα / aN b 7 if 
πολεμεῖν ὁρίζομαι. 19. Ὑμᾶς δέ, *eav ἀμύνησθε ἤδη, 
7, “ἙΝ 2 5.» γωΧ PA Σ᾽ 
σωφρονήσειν φημί, ἐὰν δ᾽ δέάσητε, οὐδὲ τοῦθ᾽ ὅταν 
4. / A Ν ἴω ,ὔ 9 
βούλησθε δυνήσεσθε ποιῆσαι. Καὶ τοσοῦτόν γε ἀφέ- 
a 5 3ϑιιι ν ε] a a 
Ι0στηκα TOV ἄλλων, ὦ avdpes ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῶν συμβουλευ- 
/ ed ar “Ὁ Ν 22 V4 A 
ὄντων, ὥστε οὐδὲ δοκεῖ μοι περὶ Χερρονήσου νῦν σκο- 
“ 5. Χ / ᾿Ξ, 3 9 A ‘\ ' 4. QA 
πεῖν οὐδὲ Βυζαντίου, αλλ ἐπαμῦναι μὲν τούτοις, καί 
a , 6 ͵ Me \ 
διατηρῆσαι μή te “πάθωσι, βουλεύεσθαι μέντοι περὶ 
, Ae , ς 3 ΄ ; 
πάντων τῶν “Ελλήνων ὡς ἐν κινδύνῳ ᾿μεγάλῳ καθε- 
, 4. 3 3 fr X Φ a 3 - ΜΈΣ 
Is στώτων. 90. Βούλομαι δ᾽ εὐπεῖν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εξ ὧν ὑπερ 
a / 4 a 7 > ? X 9 fal Meck, 
TOV πραγμάτων οὕτω φοβοῦμαι, ἵν᾽, εἰ μεν ὀρθῶς λογέ- 
/ A a \ / / 3. Δ a 
Comat, μετάσχητε TOV λογισμῶν καὶ TpPOvOLaY τιν υμῶν 
> WR 3 ἊΣ X a ΝΜ, Μ 4 z 
Y avuT@V, εἰ μὴ καὶ των ἄλλων apa βούλεσθε, ποιηση- 
\ Ν an Ν a a / A δι 8 
abe, ἂν δὲ ληρεῖν καὶ τετυφῶσθαι δοκῶ, μὴτε νῦν μὴτ 


Θ e ¢ / / ΄ 
2 αὖθις ws ὑγιαίνοντί μοι προσέχητε. 


ἀλλοτριωθῆναι Σ. Β. & 5. ὑμῶν ἀλλοτριωθῆναι Bk. 

ἱστάντα Σ. ΒΚ. Β. & 5. ἱστάντα καὶ κατασκευάζοντα Voem. 

δὲς 3. F. ¥.0.B. & S. S€o Bk. 

ἐὰν >.B. ἃ 5. ἐὰν μὲν Bk. 

ἐάσητε Σ. Al. Η. Β. & 5. ἀναβάλλησθε Bk. 

6 πάθωσι, βουλεύεσθαι >. B. & 5. πάθωσι, καὶ τοῖς οὖσιν ἐκεῖ νῦν 


ὧν fF ὦ ἢ "» 


στρατιώταις πάνθ᾽ ὅσων ἂν δέωνται ἀποστεῖλαι, βουλεύεσθαι Bk. Voem 
7 μεγάλῳ Σ. Saup. μεγίστῳ Bk. 
> 


®IAINMOY IY. 45 


7 Χ ἊΣ / 3 fal Ν a Ν 
21. Ore μὲν δὴ μέγας εκ μικροῦ καὶ ταπεινοῦ τὸ 
> > Ν 1 / 5) Ν > A Ν 
κατ ἀρχὰς ᾿ Φίλιππος ηὔξηται, καὶ ἀπίστως καὶ στα- 
an ΕΣ XN ¢ 7 δι. CF Ν “ 
σιαστικῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς αὑτοὺς ot ἔλληνες, καὶ OTE 
a / 5 a > Maen 3 > / 
πολλῷ παραδοξότερον ἦν τοσοῦτον avtov εξ εκείνου 
c 
4 Ἃ A 72 ͵ Ν Λ ἈΝ Ny 
γενέσθαι ἢ νῦν, 08 οὕτω πολλὰ προείληφε, καὶ τὰ 
Ἀν ὐὐ 62 τ iS 7 Ν , RY a3) OK 
λοιπὰ ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ ποιήσασθαι, καὶ πανθ ὅσα τοιαῦτ ἂν 
y+ r t/ >] 3 ς a 
ἔχοιμι διεξελθεῖν, παραλείψω. 22. ANA -ορῶ συγκε- 
/ v4 > / J gi? ¢e “-“ 3 / 
χωρηκοτας ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους, ab ὑμῶν ἀρξαμένους, 
ania Je. XN : Ν δ. ef , Ω 7, ε 
αὐτῷ, UTEP οὗ τὸν αλλον" ἅπαντα χρόνον “πάντες οἱ 
, / - Ὁ / / 3 > Ν A 
πόλεμοι γεγόνασιν ot Ελληνικοί. Τὶ οὖν eats τοῦτο ; 
Ν a (od ΄ Ν 34. of ς Ν 7 
τὸ ποιεῖν, ὃ τι βούλεται, καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα οὑτωσὶ περικὸ- 
Ν rn a ἕξ / Ν A 
TTEW καὶ λωποδυτεῖν τῶν Ελλήνων, καὶ καταδουλοῦ- 
= / 3 / / / Ν 
σθαι τὰς πόλεις ἐπιόντα. 23. Καίτοι προστάται μεν 
¢ - « / yf \ / “ ε / 3 / 
ὑμεῖς ἑβδομήκοντα ἐτη Kat τρία τῶν Ελλήνων εγένε- 
/ N / Gs / 
σθε, προστάται δε τριάκοντα ἑνὸς δέοντα Δακεδαιμοόνιοι, 
” ΄, Ν a 3 Ν Ν je 
ἰσχυσαν δὲ τι καὶ Θηβαιοι “τουτουσὶ Tous τελευταίους 
7 N N 3 ΄ 7, 3 ΩΝ 
χρόνους μετὰ τὴν ἐν AeveTpors μάχην. Αλλ ὅμως 
vA? «κε Py , x / 2 , 
οὐθ ὑμῖν ovte Θηβαίοις οὔτε Λακεδαιμονίοις οὐδεπω- 
ε > » ᾽ a , Aaah Jes A 
ποτε, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, συνεχωρήθη τοῦθ᾽ ὑπο τῶν 
ε / a 7 7 Ia A - 
Ἑλλήνων, ποιεῖν 6 te βούλοισθε. Οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ. 
3 Ν aA Χ δι ΩΝ A N = (ame! 3 
24. ᾿Αλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὑμῖν, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς TOT οὖσιν 
3 / > / δ / a7 Zz 
᾿Αθηναίοις, ἐπειδὴ τισιν οὐ μετρίως ἐδόκουν προσφεέρε- 


7 yy a Ν e Ν 3 a Μ 
σθαι, πάντες ῴοντο δεῖν, καὶ οἱ μηδὲν ἐγκαλεῖν ἔχοντες 


1 Φίλιππος Σ. Β. & 5. ὁ Φίλιππος Bk. Voem. 
2 πάντες Σ. Β. & 5. ἅπαντες Bk. Voem. 
3 χουτουσὶ τοὺς τελευταίους Σ. Β. & S. τοὺς τελευταίους τουτουσὶ 


Bk. 


46 AHMOSCENOYS O KATA 


ee | a Ν. A 9 / 4 “ Ν Λ 
αὐτοῖς, μετὰ τῶν ἠδικημένων πο) εμεῖν, καὶ πάλιν Aaxe 
/ + Ν a 3 Ν ? Ν 
δαιμονίοις ἄρξασι καὶ παρελθοῦσιν εἰς τὴν αὑτὴν δυνα- 
/ Cae 2 Ν / 2 / Ν / a 
στείαν ὑμιν, ἐπειδὴ πλεονάζειν ἐπεχείρουν καὶ πέρα TOU 
/ Ν / 2. ἐἔὄἦ / 9 Λ 
μετρίου τὰ καθεστηκότα εκίνουν, πάντες εἰς πόλεμον 
- ’ oS id Ν 3 “ > a ‘ 
5 κατέστησαν, καὶ οἱ μηδὲν ἐγκαλοῦντες αὑτοῖς. 25. Καὶ 
͵ὔ A XN 57. / 3 3 « aA 3 Ν Ἂν 
τί δεῖ TOUS ἄλλους λέγειν ; GAN NMELS AUTOL καὶ Aaxe- 
f 29s Ἃ 5 ie ? 2 Ἄδα ACh, 5 / 
δαιμόνιοι, οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοντες εξ ἀρχῆς ὃ TL ἠδικού- 
De ie Aer) ee. , / Chas ΩΝ ἂν + > 
μεθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ὅμως ὑπερ ὧν TOUS ἄλλους ἀδικου- 
/ ς a a St d Ξ a / , 2 
μένους ἑωρῶμεν, πολεμεῖν ὠόμεθα δεῖν. Καίτοι πὰνθ 
df 2 ’ X / 2 ta) , 3 
ι0 ὅσα ἐξημάρτηται καὶ Δακεδωιμονίοις ἐν τοῖς τριάκοντ 
3 / A Ν f e ’ / 3 ἴω 
ἐκείνοις ETETL καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις προγόνοις ἐν τοῖς 
ε , δέν αν, , 9 5 Κ 3 A e 
ἑβδομήκοντα, ἐλάττονα ἐστιν, ὦ ἄνδρες AOnvaiot, wv 
, 2 N N / » “. ¥ e | 
Φίλιππος ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα οὐχ ὅλοις ἔτεσιν, οἷς. 
> sf 7 Ν ¢/ A A Iar 
ἐπιπολάζει, ἠδίκηκε τοὺς Ελληνας, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδε 
Ὶ / / / 3 ca 2 X a 3 
15 “TELTTOV μερος τουτῶν εκεινᾷᾶ.0 26. [ Καὶ τοῦτο ἐκ 
2 ’ VA lal “ Ων Ν ἐν 
βραχέος λόγου ῥάδιον δεῖξαι.) ᾿Ολυνθον μὲν δὴ καὶ 
, Nae, if Ἂς Ψ Ἂς ’ / 
MeOwvnv καὶ Απολλωνίαν καὶ δύο καὶ τριάκοντα T0- 
Δεν / da A ς / ed > a δ 
λεις emt Θρᾷκης €@, ἃς ἁπάσας οὕτως ὠμῶς ἀνῃρήκεν, 
ee 3 > ᾿] ’ > > ᾿ξ / 3 3 ει 
ὥστε “μηδ᾽ εἰ πώποτ ῳκήθησαν προσελθοντ εἶναι pa- 
3. a Ν ἣν , “ a 2 / 
20 Suov εἰπεῖν. Kat to Dwxéwv εθνος τοσοῦτον ἀνῃρημέ- 
a 3 Ν / a δ > Ν 
VOY σιωπω. ἄλλα Θετταλία πῶς EXEL ; οὐχί TAS 
x Ν \ Λ 2 a i \ 
πολιτείας καὶ TAS πόλεις αὐτῶν παρῃρηται καὶ τετραρ- 
/ / “ Ν / Ν , 3 Ν Ν 
χίας κατέστησεν, ἱνά μὴ μόνον κατὰ πόλεις ἀλλὰ καὶ 
1 πέμπτον Σ. Β. & 5. πολλοστὸν Bk. 
2 Καὶ .... δεῖξαι. in margine Σ. Bk. om. Β. &S. 


3 μηδ᾽ Bk. Β. ἃ S. Fr. μηδένα μηδ᾽ Ἐς ¥. Ὡ. [μηδένα] μηδ 
Voem. 


SIAIVN OF “FY: 47 


> ¥ / e > > 2 7 λ 
kat ἔθνη δουλεύωσιν ; 27. αἱ δ᾽ ev Ευβοίᾳ πόλεις οὐκ 
yy A Ν a > / / κ 
ἤδη τυραννοῦνται, καὶ ταῦτα ἐν νήσῳ πλησίον Θηβῶν 
ee “ > > ff 2. Ν > / 
kat ᾿Αθηνῶν ; ov διαῤῥήδην ‘eis τὰς ἐπιστολὰς γράφει 
ε > Ν ay Ν 3 ᾽ὔ Ν x 3 ’ > A , 
ἐμοὶ δ΄ ἐστὶν εἰρήνη πρὸς TOUS aKovELY ἐμοῦ βουλομέ- 
3" Ν 2 7ὔ XN A r 39 ¥ > 
vous ;’ Kat ov γράφει μὲν ταῦτα, τοῖς ὃ εργοις ov ὅ 
a > 9 eae ας ᾽ὔ 7 } Ὁ 
ποιεῖ, αλλ εᾧ ΕΕλλήσποντον οἴχεται, πρότερον ἧκεν 
5 3 / 3 y 4 , 2 
ex Αμβρακίιαν, ᾿Ηλιν ἔχει τηλικαύτην πόλιν ἐν Π͵Ἔελο- 
; , 7 3 , / ΩΝ ¢ e \ 
trovvncw, Meyapou ἐπεβούλευσε πρῴην, ov? ἡ Ελλὰς 
aS 7? ες 7 ἈΝ / fal 3 7 
ov0 ἡ βάρβαρος τὴν πλεονεξίαν χωρεῖ τἀνθρώπου. 
Ν ay? e fal «ὦ 7 Ν > ᾽ 
28. Καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες οἱ ᾿Ελληνες ἅπαντες καὶ ἀκούον- 10 
> / 7 Ν 7 Ν > 7 
τες οὐ πέμπομεν πρέσβεις περὶ τούτων πρὸς αλλήλους 
Ν 3 A ed ‘ ἴω 7 Ν 
καὶ ἀγανακτοῦμεν, οὕτω δε κακῶς διακείμεθα καὶ διορω- 
΄ Ν Π ne EY a ORE ΡΝ 
ρύγμεθα κατὰ πόλεις, ὥστ᾽ ἄχρι τῆς “τήμερον ἡμέρας 


ΡΥ Μ A ᾽ yy rad 7 a 
οὐδὲν οὗτε τῶν συμφερόντων οὔτε τῶν δεόντων πρᾶξαι 


— 


7 Iar A ar ° / / Ν 
δυνάμεθα, οὐδὲ συστῆναι, οὐδὲ κοινωνίαν βοηθείας καὶ τ 
/ 5 / , 9 ἣν 7] / 
φιλίας οὐδεμίαν ποιήσασθαι, 29. αλλὰα μείξω γίγνομε- 

Ν yf rn Ν ’ὔ; A A 
vov TOV ἄνθρωπον περιορωμεν, TOV ρονον κερδᾶναι του- 
. ἃ yy > Λ 7 > 7 od > *9 Ἀ 
TOV OV ἄλλος ἀπόλλυται EXATTOS ἐγνώκως, WS γ ἐμοί 
-“ > ad /, ἈΝ A ἃ 7 - 
δοκεῖ, οὐχ οπως σωθήσεται τὰ τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων σκοπῶν 
Jar 7 9 <2 ed / x 
οὐδὲ πράττων, ἐπεί, OTL γε ὥσπερ περίοδος ἢ καταβο- 20 
ἃς a K Υ. 3 A Ν A , yore 
Ay Tupetov ἢ ἄλλου τινος κακοῦ καὶ τῷ πᾶνυ πόρρω 
“ r 3 - Sf / 5" Ν 3 > al 
δοκοῦντι νῦν apeoTaval προσέρχεται, οὐδεὶς ἀγνοει. 


Ἂν Ἂν > FF 3 y+ A ef Χ rox 
30. Καὶ μὴν κωὠκεῖνο ye tote, ott ὁσα μὲν ὗπο Aaxedac- 


1 εἰς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς Σ. Β. & S. ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ΒΚ. 
2 τήμερον Bk. B. & 5. σήμερον Σ. Α3. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 7. 
3 ἀγνοεῖ Σ Β. ἃ 5. ἀγνοεῖ δήπου Bk. Voem. 


48 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


Pi] ΧΩ AS ς a ΕΣ e ig >} 3 3 ΙΓ Ἂν 
μονίων ἢ vp ἡμῶν ἔπασχον ot ἔλληνες, ἀλλ οὖν ὑπὸ 
/ 7 A «ς Ὗ A Ν Ἂς 2 
γνησίων γε ὄντων τῆς Ελλάδος ἠδικοῦντο, καὶ τὸν av- 
Ν / x δον a9? & ΓΥ ΑΝ ἢ 51: eN 2 
τὸν τρόπον ἂν τίς ὑπέλαβε τοῦθ᾽, ὥσπερ ἂν EL υἱὸς ἐν 
Ἵ / A Ν ,ὔ / ‘ a δ 
ουσίᾳ πολλῃ γεγονὼς γνησιος διῴκει TL μὴ καλῶς μὴ 
" a 3 2 ἃς ἊΝ A Pe / a Ν 
δορθῶς, κατ αὐτὸ. μὲν τοῦτο “ἀξιον μέμψεως εἶναι καὶ 
/ € ? > / XK « 3 , 
κατηγορίας, ws δ᾽ οὐ προσήκων ἢ ὡς οὐ κληρονόμος 
΄ Χ a 2 7 > eta! , 5) - 
τούτων ὧν ταῦτα ἐποίει, οὐκ ἐνειναν λέγειν. 31. Eu δέ 
“-“ ΝΥ ς a Ν XN / 3 J 
γε δοῦλος ἢ ὑποβολιμαῖος τὰ μὴ προσήκοντα ἀπωλλυε 
Wee , ε ,ὕ 7 an ὧν ᾿ 9 A 
καὶ ἐλυμαίνετο, «Ηράκλεις ὅσῳ μᾶλλον δεινὸν καὶ οργῆς 
“ , \ y+ 3 as eS eo. ͵ 
10 ἄξιον πάντες ἂν “ἔφησαν εἶναι ! adr οὐχ ὕπερ Φιλίπ- 
\ @ 3 A Ve A > e/ + 3 
που καὶ ὧν ἐκεῖνος πράττει νῦν, οὐχ οὕτως ἔχουσιν, οὐ 
/ 3 7 Sf Ia / Par a 
μόνον οὐχ Ελληνος ὄντος οὐδὲ προσήκοντος ovdev τοῖς 
ἡ 3 > 5. Χ ’ὔ 2 A ἢ Ν 
ἔλλησιν, ἀλλ ovde βαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν 
Dean 5.5: Ὧν Sey, / 902 3 , 
εὐπεῖν, ἀλλ ολέθρου Μακεδόνος, ὅθεν οὐδ΄ ἀνδραποδον 
δαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρὸ ‘ac 
15 σπουδαιον οὐδεν ἢν “πρότερον πρίασθαι. 
,ὔ ; / A 2 ’ὔ / 3 , 2 
32. Καίτοι τί τῆς ἐσχάτης ὕβρεως ἀπολείπει ; ov 
ἃς a Λ 3 / / Ἂ Ν 4 \.- 
πρὸς τῷ “πόλεις ἀνῃρηκέναι τίθησι μὲν τὰ Πύθια, τὸν 
N a ἴξ , ΕΞ Ἃ ea N a \ 
κοινὸν τῶν Ελλήνων ἀγῶνα, κἂν αὑτὸς μὴ παρῇ, TOUS 
Zz: > 7] / rd Ν lal 
δούλους ἀγωνοθετήσοντας πέμπει; [κύριος δὲ Πυλῶν 


Ν a ae ‘N “ / 3 / x La 
20 Kal τῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ελληνὰς. παρόδων ἐστί, καὶ φρουραῖς 


1 ei vids 5: Bk. B. & SS. et tus vids ΠΥ Q. 
2 ἄξιον Reisk. Bk. B. & 5. ἄξιος codd. Voeim. 


3 ἔφησαν =. Β. ἃ 5. ἘΞ σα F. ἔφασαν Bk. 

4 πρότερον πρίασθαι Bk. πρότερον 3. B. & 5. 

5 πόλεις Σ. F. Y¥. Ω. πόλεις [Ἑλληνίδας] Bk. 

6 κύριος δὲ Πυλῶν .... τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἅπασι μέτεστι; in margine 
rec. Σ. Bk. 





@IAlImunoYr IY. 49 


Ν / Ν 7 # / Μ Ν Q 
καὶ ἕένοις Tous τόπους τούτους κατέχει; ἔχει δὲ καὶ 
Ἀ / “-“ A 7 ἂν an Ν Ἀ 
τὴν προμαντείαν τοῦ θεοῦ, Tapwoas ἡμᾶς καὶ Θετταλοὺς 

N N ‘ y > ΄ : 5. Ν 
καὶ Δωριέας καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ᾿Αμφικτύονας, ἧς οὐδὲ 
r ad 7 ΄, / N 
τοῖς E\Anow ἅπασι μέτεστι ;] 33. γράφει δὲ Θεττα- 
al A Ν Z / / XN / 
λοῖς ὃν χρὴ τρόπον πολιτεύεσθαι ; πέμπει δὲ ἕένους 
\ Ν ν / Ν - 3 a Ν 
tous μὲν εἰς Πορθμον, τὸν δῆμον ἐκβαλοῦντας τὸν 
3 / X > > hae Pd > / 7 / 
Ἐρετριέων, τοὺς ὃ ἐπ Qpeov, τύραννον Φιλιστίδην 
, > . Aya a «ὦ 
καταστήσοντας; Αλλ ὅμως ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες οἱ ᾿ Ελληνες 
τ, ψ, as ΣΧ , ᾿ Ἀ ͵ 
ἀνέχονται, καὶ τὸν αὑτὸν τρόπον, ὥσπερ τὴν χάλαζαν, 
Μ A a 9? / Ν > ς x 
ἐμοιγε δοκοῦσι θεωρεῖν, “εὐχόμενοι μὴ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς 
᾿ 7 ΄ \ Dee ἃ Σ a 5) 
ἕκαστοι γενέσθαι, κωλύειν Se οὐδεὶς ἐπιχειρῶν. 34. Ou 
: , Cree hes) a ee \ ς / e 5 ᾽ A IAN 
μόνον 6 ef ois ἡ Ελλὰς ὑβρίζεται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, οὐδεὶς 
3 ͵7ὔ > > Iad ς Ἁ - ἐλ" « 3 “ 
ἀμύνεται, ἀλλ; οὐδ ὑπερ ὧν αὑτὸς ἕκαστος ἀδικείται. 
A Ν yf y , > ? 7 Fu ἢ 
Τοῦτο yap ἤδη τοὐσχατὸον ἐστιν. Ov Κορινθίων er 
3 / 3 ὧδ Ν , ? > a Ζ 
Ἀμβρακίαν ἐληλυθε καὶ Δευκαδα; οὐκ ᾿Αχαιῶν Ναύ- 
» ,ὔ 5 / " a 7 
maxtov ἀφελόμενος opwpoxev Aitwrois παραδώσειν ; 
δὲς / 3 r > / Ν A > es 7 
ovys Θηβαίων Exiwov ἀφῇρηται, καὶ νῦν ἐπὶ Bufavti- 
4 ᾽7 Μ 3 ς a IA 9 
OUS TTOPEVETAL συμμαχοὺυς OVTAS ; οὐχ ἡμων, EW TAXA, 
2) Ν 2 / ἂν / 4 /. / 
ἀλλὰ Xeppovncov τὴν μεγίστην ἔχει πόλιν Καρδίαν ; 
A / , 7 4 
35. Ταῦτα. τοίνυν πάσχοντες ἅπαντες μέλλομεν καὶ 
/ δ Ἂς Χ ΐ , ΄ ᾽ 
μαλακιζόμεθα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πλησίον βλέπομεν, ἀπι- 


3 


a > / 2 A / ς A 3 A 
στοῦντες ἀλλήλοις, OV τῷ “πάντας ἡμᾶς αδικοῦντι. 


/ ἊΝ “ 2 Le ed ΄ / 7 
Kaitos tov ἅπασιν ἀσελγῶς οὕτω χρώμενον τί οἴεσθε, 


1 ὥσπερ =. B.& 5. ὅνπερ Bk. Voem. 

2 εὐχόμενοι Σ. Β. & 5. εὐχόμενοι μὲν Bk. 

3 πάντας =. Bk. φανερῶς πάντας F. Υ. Ω. 
5 


- ed 
nT 


50 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA _ 


3 Ν 3. ΝΑ ς a e , / / ’ὔ , 
ἐπειδὰν καθ᾽ ἕνα ἡμῶν ἐκάστου κύριος γένηται, TL ποιὴ" 
σειν ; 
,ὔ Ss + / 3 XN 5 / Ν 
36. Τί οὖν αἴτιον τουτωνὶ ; ov γὰρ avev λόγου καὶ 
, δ ἢ 5 74 [4 3 ς 7 Ἂς 
δικαίας αἰτίας οὔτε TOO οὕτως εἶχον ετοίμως πρὸς 
>. / φὺν yy A x NN 7 
5 ἐλευθερίαν οἱ “EdAnves οὗτε νῦν πρὸς τὸ δουλεύειν. 
4 / 9 9 + 3 Lal 3 al lal 
Hp τι tor, ἦν, ὦ avdpes AOnvaiot, ev ταῖς τῶν πολ- 
a / ἃ a 2 Υ ἃ Ν a a 3 , 
λῶν διανοίαις, 0 νῦν οὐκ ἐστιν, ὃ Kat τοῦ Περσῶν expa- 
, “3, , 5 VAve , y ey 
τησε πλούτου καὶ ἐλευθέραν ἦγε τὴν Ελλάδα καὶ οὔτε 
/ BA A , > A ς A ra ὧν δὲ 
ναυμαχίας οὔτε πεζῆς μάχης οὐδεμιᾶς ἡττᾶτο, νῦν 
9 N Ψ ͵ Ἀν \ , 
10 ἀπολωλὸς ἅπαντα λελυμανται καὶ ἄνω καὶ KATW πε- 


2 


/ Ν Ν Ἄ (a. ae 3 A 
ποίηκε “TavTa τὰ πράγματα. 37. Tt οὖν ἣν “τοῦτο;. 


Ἃ a “ JN / \ / . 
τοὺς παρὰ τῶν ἄρχειν “ἀεὶ βουλομένων ἢ διαφθείρειν 
ς , , ΓᾺ / De ον 
τὴν “Ἑλλάδα χρήματα λαμβάνοντας ἅπαντες εμίσουν, 
N , es N A 3 = N 
καὶ χαλεπώτατον ἣν τὸ δωροδοκοῦντα ἐλεγχθῆναι, Kat 
/ / τὰς Dis ΙΕ 2 Ν 93 
15 τιμωρίᾳ μεγίστῃ TOUTOV ἐκόλαζον. 38. Tov οὖν και- 
Ν cy “i , ἃ €. Guat 7, 
ρὸν ἑκάστου τῶν πραγμάτων, OV ἡ “τύχη πολλάκις πα- 
/ 3 > tse X a ,ὔ Iar 
pacKevatel, οὐκ ἦν πρίασθαι παρὰ τῶν λεγόντων οὐδὲ 


= τὰ 2. Χ ἈΝ Ν 9 , CIS 
τῶν στρατηγουντων, οὐδὲ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ομονοιαν 


1 ἐλευθερίαν Σ. B.& 35. ἐλευθερίαν ἅπαντες ΒΚ. Voem 

2 πάντα τὰ πράγματα Σ. Β. ἃ 5. τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πράγματα Bk. 
Rued. ; 

3 τοῦτο; τοὺς pr. 5. B.& 5. τοῦτο; οὐδὲν ποικίλον οὐδὲ σοφόν, 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι τοὺς Bk. 

4 ἀεὶ Bk. om. pr. Σ. et Voem. οἱ Β. & 5. 

5 ἐκόλαζον Σ. pr. Υ. B.&S. ἐκόλαζον, καὶ παραίτησις οὐδεμία ἦν 
οὐδὲ συγγνώμη. Bk. : 

6 τύχη πολλάκις pt. Σ. Υ. τύχη καὶ τοῖς ἀμελοῦσι κατὰ τῶν προσε- 
χόντων καὶ τοῖς μηδὲν ἐθέλουσι ποιεῖν κατὰ τῶν πάντα ἃ προσήκει 
πραττόντων πολλάκις Bk. Voem. 


¥ 


®IAINMOY IY. 51 


Ia Ν Ν ‘ / Ν ‘ , > 
οὐδὲ τὴν πρὸς τους τυράννους Kat Tous βαρβάρους ἀπι- 
/ 2a? of is 5.5. 7 a a eee 
“στίαν, οὐδ᾽ ὅλως 'ἱ τοιοῦτον οὐδέν. 39. Nov δ᾽ ἅπανθ 
ec 3 > A > / a > A XN 
ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἐκπέπραται ταῦτα, ἀντεισῆκται δὲ 
3 \ 4 Cig - > , Ν ,ὔ ἐς ’ 
ἀντὶ τούτων, Up ὧν ἀπόλωλε καὶ νενόσηκεν ἡ Βλλας. 
= 7 ee EE a A 4 », ΄, λ R 
Ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐστὶ τί ; Zyros, εἰ τις εὐληφὲ τι. IT'edws, av 
4 a a \ 7 2 a 3 
“ὁμολογῇ. ΜΜῖσος, ἂν τούτοις τις ἐπιτιμᾷᾷᾳἀ: Τἄλλα 
3 7 στ > A a yf > Ν , 
πάνθ ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ δωροδοκεῖν ἤρτηται. 40. ᾿Επεὶ τριη- 
Ν , : 20 Ls ’ Ν A 
pels γε καὶ σωμάτων πλῆθος καὶ “χρημώτων καὶ τῆς 
yx air / ee SL Sf 5) 7 
ἄλλης παρασκευῆς ἀφθονία, καὶ τἄλλα οἷς ἂν τις ἰσχύ- 
ἧς Λ / a d Ἂς / Ν / 
εἰν TAS πόλεις κρίνοι, νῦν ἅπασι καὶ πλείω καὶ μείζω 
> \ a / “ ? Ν A / > y+ 
ἐστὶ τῶν τότε TOAAM. ἄλλα ταῦτα πᾶντ ἄχρηστα 
5 3 / ς A A fa / 
ἄπρακτα ἀνόνητα ὕπο τῶν πωλούντων γίγνεται. 
“ ? a7 eat \ \ A ες κα , 
41. ὍΟτι δ᾽ οὕτω ταῦτ ἔχει τὰ μὲν νῦν, ὁρᾶτε δη- 
Ν Ia 3 A r 4 Ν 3 > 
που καὶ οὐδὲν ἐμοῦ προσδεῖσθε μάρτυρος, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν 
ΕΣ ἢ “ > , 3 ΣΤ ς , 
τοῖς ἄνωθεν χρόνοις ὅτι ταναντία εἶχεν, eyo δηλω- 
3 / 3 “ / >. Ν “ 7 al 
σω, ov λόγους ἐμαυτοῦ λέγων, ἄλλα γράμματα τῶν 
7 rn 4¢ / A 52. A / > ᾽ὔ 
προγόνων τῶν “ὑμετέρων, ἃ “κεῖνοι κατέθεντο εἰς στή- 


6 


Anv χαλκὴν γράψαντες εἰς ἀκρόπολιν, [οὐχ ἵνα αὐτοῖς 


> £ Ν Μ / a / XS 
7) XPNT La (καὶ γὰρ ανξευ τουτῶν TOV γραμματὼῶν Ta 


-— 


0 


_ 


5 


/ 3 / ? an a Ee n y+ e / Ν 
δεοντα ἐφρόνουν), αλλ εν υὑμεις ἔχητε ὑπομνήματα Kat 20 


a Ps / 
παραδείγματα, ὡς ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων σπουδάζειν προσ- 


1 τοιοῦτον 3. Β. & 5. τῶν τοιούτων Bk. 


2 ὁμολογῇ. pr. Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ὁμολογῇ. Συγγνώμη τοῖς ἐλεγχομένοις. 
Bk. Voem. Rued. vid. Speng. Diss. p. 180. 

3 χρημάτων pr. >. B.& 5. χρημάτων πρόσοδοι Bk. Voem. 

4 ὑμετέρων pr. Σ. Β. ὦ 5. ὑμετέρων δεικνύων Bk. 
᾿ 8 "κεῖνοι Bk. Dind. Β. & 85. κεῖνοι Σ. 
᾿ς 6 ἀκρόπολιν, οὐχ wa.... τὰ γράμματα; Bk. ἀκρόπολιν. pr. Σ. Fr. 


52 AHMOSOENOYS Ὁ KATA 


, / / " 
ἥκει. 42. Τί οὖν λέγει τὰ γράμματα :] |" ApOp208, 
/ i ε .-9 
φησίν, ὁ Πυθώνακτος “ὁ Ζελείτης “ἄτιμος καὶ πολέμιος 
A 7 a 3 ͵7ὔ Ν - / Ψ ΟΝ XA 
Tov δήμου τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, αὐτὸς καὶ 
4 


, 39 34,3 ς 8, / 9. ΠΝ nA? 7 PES 
yevos. Eié 9 QLTLa YEeypaTrTat, δὲ nv ΤΙ €YE- 


, Ν N N ᾽ ,ὔ 5 , 
δνετο" “OTL τὸν χρυσὸν τὸν ἐκ ηδων εἰς Πελοπόννη- 
EY AL VPOR OER YN 9 ars 
σον ἤγαγεν. Ταῦτ ἐστὶ τὰ γράμματα. 43. Δογίζε- 
Ν Ν A / 3 P eae , A 3 / 
abe δὴ πρὸς "θεῶν, τίς ἦν ποθ᾽ ἡ διάνοια τῶν  AOnvai- 
a , A , K J SF te 3 a 
ὧν τῶν TOTE ταῦτα ποιούντων, ἢ TL TO ἀξίωμα.  Exei- 
i Nig A 
vor Ζελείτην τινὰ Αρθμιον δοῦλον βασιλέως (ἡ γὰρ 
Ξ i 1.3 A 3 / 7 a a 
10 Ζέλειά ἐστι τῆς Ασίας), ὅτε τῷ δεσπότῃ διακονῶν χρυ- 
/ yf > / 3 3 / 3 Ν 
σίον ἤγαγεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον, οὐκ Αθῆναζξε, ἐχθρὸν 
ς κα ᾿Ξ Ἃ Ἀ a 7 5. N , 
αὐτῶν ἀνέγραψαν καὶ τῶν συμμάχων, αὑτὸν καὶ γένος, 
Cet ROY = Chis et > ἃ ς , Ἃ 
καὶ ἀτίμους. 44. Τοῦτο δ΄ ἐστὶν OVX Ἣν OVTWOL τις ἂν 
’ > / / cy a / A > , 
φήσειεν ἀτιμίαν. Ti yap τῷ Ζελείτῃ, δγῶν ᾿Αθήνησι 
A 9 XN / Μ 2 2 Ρ] A Ὁ 
15 κοινῶν εἰ μὴ μεθέξειν ᾿ ἔμελλεν ; ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς φονικοῖς 


/ / Χ - \ XN a 
γέγραπται νόμοις, ὑπὲρ ὧν av μὴ διδῷ "δίκας φόνου 


1 ἤΑρθμιος Bk. ᾿Αρίθμιος Σ. alii codd. 
2 ὁ Ζελείτης Bk. ὁ om. =. 
ἔστω 

3 ἄτιμος Β. ἃ S. ἄτιμος Σ. ἄτιμος ἔστω Bk. ἄτιμος [ἔστω] Voem. 

1 ταῦτ᾽ >. B. & ὃ. τοῦτ᾽ Bk. Υ 

5 θεῶν, τίς Σ. θεῶν καὶ θεωρεῖτε παρ᾽ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς τίς ΒΚ. παρ᾽ 
ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς Speng. (Diss. p. 182) placent. 

6 τῶν ᾿Αθήνησι κοινῶν εἰ μὴ pr. Σ. Β. ὦ 5. εἰ τῶν ᾿Αθήνῃσι κοινῶν 
μὴ ΒΚ. 

7 ἔμελλεν; pr.d. Β. & 5. ἔμελλεν; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοῦτο λέγει, Bk. 
ἤμελλεν; GAN... . λέγει. Voem. 

8 δίκας φόνου δικάσασθαι pr. Σ. Y. δίκας autem in margine Y. 
rec. [δίκας] pov δικάσασθ., ἀλλ᾽ εὐαγὲς ἢ τὸ ἀποκτεῖναι, Bk. Voem., 
cul tamen δίκας placet. . 


@IAINMOY I’. 53 


f A 
δικάσασθαι, “Kai ἄτιμος φησὶ “τεθνάτω. Τοῦτο 
δὴ λέγει, καθαρὸν τὸν τούτων τινὰ ἀποκτείναντα εἶναι. 
any P 
- a“ A / “ 
45. Οὐκοῦν ἐνόμιζον ἐκεῖνοι τῆς ' πάντων τῶν Ελλήνων 
εἰς > / 5 > κ᾿ ἐν > 
σωτηρίας αὑτοῖς ἐπιμέλητεον εἶναι. Ov yap ἂν av- 
lal Μ ΝΜ 3 » ἢ, > an ἈΝ 
τοις ἐμέλεν, εἰ τις ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ τινᾶς ὠνεῖται καὶ ὅ 
»"» , 
διαφθείρει, μὴ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνουσιν. ᾿Εκόλαζον δ᾽ 
ef ae a ἀξ: 2 ὍΣ Pa Ν 
οὕτω καὶ ἐτιμωροῦντο OVS “αἰσθοιντο, ὥστε καὶ στη- 
λίτας ποιεῖν. ᾿Εκ δὲ τούτων εἰκότως τὰ τῶν Ἔλ- 
a / la 
Ajvav ἦν τῷ βαρβάρῳ φοβερά, οὐχ ὁ βάρβαρος τοῖς 
ν A 
Ελλησιν. 46. ᾿Αλλ ov νῦν: ov yap οὕτως ἔχεθ᾽ 10 
ea » δ κ a ” N 3 3 a 
ὑμεῖς οὔτε προς TA TOLAVTA οὔτε προς τἄλλα, ἀλλα 
3 a yA 3 / / Ἂς a A / ec κα 
πῶς ; [ἴστε αὐτοί. Τί yap δεῖ περὶ πάντων ὑμῶν 
κατηγορεῖν ; παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ οὐδὲν βέλτιον ὑμῶν 
ἅπαντες οἱ λοιποὶ “Ελληνες:. Διόπερ φημὶ ἔγωγε καὶ 
A A A A / 
σπουδῆς πολλῆς καὶ βουλῆς ἀγαθῆς Ta παρόντα πρά- 15 
a ἧς Ἂς 3 
γματα προσδεῖσθαι. Τίνος] εἴπω ; κελεύετε καὶ οὐκ 
3 - 
οργιεισθε; 
4EK TOY ΤΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΙΟΥ ANATITNOSKEI. 
7 / Ἂν; καὶ / : ἈΝ al 
47. Ἔστι τοίνυν τις εὐήθης λόγος Tapa τῶν παρα» 
μυθεῖσθαι βουλομένων τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ἄρα οὔπω Φίλιπ- 20 
Ἔ ἃ , 
mos ἐστι, “οἷοί wot ἦσαν Aaxedaipoviol, ot θαλάττης 
1 πάντων =. Bk. Β. & 5. ἁπάντων vulg. 
2 αἴσθοιντο Σ. Β. ἃ 5. vid. Speng. Diss. p. 183. αἴσθοιντο δω- 
ροδοκοῦντας Bk. 
3 πῶς; [ἴστε... . Τίνος] εἴπω ; sine uncis Bk. πῶς; εἴπω; Σ. Β. &S. 
4 ἘΚ ΤΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΙΟΥ ΑΝΑΓΙΓΝΏΣΚΕΙ. Σ. F.Y. Bk. Voem. 
om. 


5 οἷοί 2. Β. & S. τοιοῦτος, οἷοί Bk. Voem. 
5* 


54 AHMOSCENOYS O KATA 


\ 5 \ A Cane / Se ΄ 9 
μὲν ἦρχον καὶ γῆς ἁπάσης, βασίλέεα ὃε σύμμαχον εἰ- 
/ ? ar ᾽ 7 3 2 7 4 3 
χον, ὑφίστατο δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, add ὅμως ἠμύνατο KU- 
/ τ / Ν > > / 3 Ν \ ε 7 
κείνους ἡ πόλις καὶ οὐκ ἀνηρπασθη. Eyw δὲ ὧπάν- 
ἘΠ ae Ve bean > > , Oat \ 
TOV, WS ἔπος εἰπεῖν, πολλὴν εἰληφότων ἐπίδοσιν, καὶ 
ars ς / Μ ra r A / ar [2 “ 
5 οὐδὲν ὁμοίων ὄντων τῶν νῦν τοῖς πρότερον, οὐδεν ηγοῦ- 
, AL eS A / A Kon / 
pat πλέον ἢ τὰ TOU πολέμου κεκινῆσθαι καὶ ETLOEOWKE- 
a Ν ᾿ς ᾽ 7 / / 
vat. 48. Πρῶτον μὲν yap ἀκούω “ακεδαιμονίους τότε 
Δ. / Ν of, ΄, A aN , ἈΝ 
καὶ ἱ πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους τέτταρας μῆνας ἢ πέντε, την 
ἜΑ τ ha Salone / Δ \ , oy Ἄ 
ὡραίαν αὐτήν, ἐμβαλόντας ἂν καὶ κακωσαντας “τὴν τῶν 
ars / , ς / Ἂς la ee 
10 ἀντυπάλων χωραν οπλίταις και TONLTLKOLS στρατευμα- 
3 a “3.1.9 Υ ’ ef ? 3 / 
σιν ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπ οἴκου πᾶλιν. Οὕτω ὃ apxaiws 
3 aA N A ee IAN 7 ᾽ a 
εἶχον, μᾶλλον SE πολιτικῶς, WATE οὐδὲ χρημάτων ὠνευ- 
3 3 Ν 3 / 3 >? 3 / / Ν 
σθαι παρ᾽ οὐδενὸς οὐδέν, αλλ εἶναι νόμιμὸν τινα καὶ 
A XX , QA 9 δ κα Ν , 
προφανῆ τὸν πόλεμον. 49. Νυνὶ δ᾽ ὁρᾶτε μεν δη- 
Ν fe N / 2 , or 3 
15 που τὰ πλεῖστα τοὺς προδότας ἀπολωλεκότας, οὐδεν ὃ 
3 , Ia / / > 4 Ν 
ἐκ παρατάξεως οὐδὲ μάχης γιγνόμενον. ἀκούετε δε 
Λ δεν al / A + / 3 
Φίλιππον οὐχὶ TO “φάλαγγα ὁπλιτῶν ayew βαδίζονθ 
, 7. 3 \ κ ΄ ε ΄ ΄ 
ὅποι βούλεται, ἀλλὰ τῷ ψιλούς, ὑππέας, τοξοτας, ἕε- 
“ > / / > 
VOUS, τοιοῦτον * ἐξηρτύσθαι στρατοπεδον. 50. Επει- 
. Ν 5 > 7 de a 2 Ν a >] ς a / 
20 δὰν °d ἐπὶ τούτοις πρὸς νοσοῦντας EV αὑτοῖς προσπέσῃ 
[ 
καὶ μηδεὶς ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας Se ἀπιστίαν ἐξί 
μη ρ τῆς χώρας ἐξίῃ, μηχανή 


33.9 eye a Χ n / Ν 
ματ ETTLOTYOAS TOALOPKEL. Καὶ OLWT W θέρος Kab ΧΕΙ" 


1 πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους Σ. Β. & 5. πάντας τοὺς Ἕλληνας F. Y. Bk. 
2 τὴν τῶν ἀντιπάλων χώραν Bk. τὴν χώραν pr. Σ. Β. & 5. 

3 φάλαγγα Σ. Bk. B.& 5. φάλαγγας cet. codd. 

4 ἐξηρτῆσθαι Bk. B.& 5. ἐξαρτύεσθαι yp. Σ. ἐξηρτύσθαι Voem. 
5 δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις Σ. Bk. Β. & 35. δὲ τούτοις κρατῶν Y. 





@7AINMNOY YI. 55 






a ες 1 aN / pa ee Ν 3 / c/ 
μῶνα, ws ‘ovdev διαφέρει, οὐδ΄ ἐστὶν ἐξαίρετος wpa τίς, 
“ΠῚ ͵ πὶ 7 7 >] / Ν 
᾿ ἣν διαλείπει. δι. Ταῦτα μέντοι πώντας εἰδότας “καὶ 
, / > a / Ν , ? x 
᾿ λογιζομένους ov. δεῖ προσέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον εἰς τὴν 

΄ ΟΣ ea ie ? Ν ΟΝ, x a ὔ δ 
᾿ χώραν, “οὐδ᾽ εἰς τὴν εὐήθειαν τὴν τοῦ τότε πρὸς Λακε- 
/ / / > A > ? 
᾿ δαιμονίους πολέμου βλέποντας ἐκτραχηλισθῆναι, αλλ, 
ἣ ε ᾽ / / ω / \ “ 
ὡς εκ πλείστου φυλάττεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ ταῖς 
A 7 Υ x / A 
παρασκευαῖς, ὅπως οἰκοθεν μη ἐκινήσηται σκοποῦντας, 
, ᾿ / x \ \ 
ovyt συμπλακέντας διαγωνίζεσθαι. 52. I pos μὲν yap 
2 \ 7 7 > δ ἃ ε ΄, 
πόλεμον πολλὰ φύσει πλεονεκτήμαθ δἡμῖν υπαρχεῖι, 
xy 9S yY > r r 3 /. ‘\ a 
av περ, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ποιεῖν ἐθέλωμεν ἃ δεῖ, 
ε ΄ ΡΥ Bip! Map ΄, Gee Ν / x 
ἡ φύσις τῆς εκείνου Ywpas, “ἧς ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν ἐστι 
Ν \ a r Μ / ᾽ ἈΝ > ΄ 
πολλὴν καὶ κακῶς ποιεῖν, ἄλλα μυρία. Εἰς δὲ ayova 
Ν ¢e a ᾽ - A 
ἄμεινον ἡμῶν EKELVOS NOKNTAL. 
? 7 XN val “ 4 Ia’ rf vy 
53. Οὐ μόνον δε det ταῦτα γιγνώσκειν οὐδὲ τοῖς Ep- 
>] a 3 4 - A / 3 Ν Ν A 
yous εκεινον ἀμύνεσθαι τοῖς τοῦ πολέμου, ἀλλα καὶ τῷ 
an Ν A a / Ἁ »] ς tal ς ἈΝ > a 
λογισμῷ καὶ TH Οιανοίᾳ τοὺς Tap ὑμιν ὑπερ avTOU 
, A ? / cd 2 i oe δὲ ee 
λέγοντας μισῆσαι, ἐνθυμουμένους OTL οὐκ EverTL ‘TOV 
᾿Ν / 2 a A Ν “Ὁ Ν 3 2. α 
τῆς πόλεως ἐχθρῶν κρατῆσαι, πρὶν ἂν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ 
A / ᾽ὔ [ἢ A > / \ Ν 
τῇ πόλει κολάσητε ὑπηρετοῦντας ἐκείνοις. 54. Ὃ μὰ 
1 οὐδὲν διαφέρει Σ. Bk. Β. & 5. οὐδὲν αὐτῷ διαφέρει in margine 
rec. Y. Q. 

2 καὶ λογιζομένους ov δεῖ Σ. ΒΚ. B.&S. δεῖ καὶ λογιζομένους μὴ 
cet. codd. 

3 οὐδ᾽ εἰς 3. Bk. B. &S. μηδ᾽ εἰς vulg. 

4 κινήσηται >. κινήσεται Bk. Voem. B.& S. ef. infra δῷ 56, 69. 

Ὁ ἡμῖν Bk. Β. & 5. ὑμῖν Σ. 

6 ing Bk. ff pr. 5. . 

7 


τῶν τῆς >. Fr. B.& 5. τῶν ἔξω τῆς ΒΙκ. τῶν [ἔξω] τῆς Voem. 
vid. Orat. de Cherson. $61. 


56 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


N } \ ‘ 5. \ 3 , e 
tov Δία καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους θεοὺς ov ' δυνήσεσθε ὑμεῖς 
A 2 8... δἰ a 24° U \ 7 Xx 
“ποιῆσαι, ἀλλ εἰς τοῦτο ἀφῖχθε μωρίας ἢ παρανοίας ἢ 
PM τῇ ͵ ΄, κ y+ 5. Ὁ / wa 
OUK ἔχω TL λέγω (πολλάκις γὰρ ἔμοιγ ἐπελήλυθε καὶ 
τοῦτο φοβεῖσθ 7 τι δαιμό χ πρά hav 
ὕτο φοβείσθαι, μὴ τι δαιμόνιον τὰ πράγματα ἐλαύνῃ), 
ef / / £ e Ν \ 7 
ὅ ὥστε “λοιδορίας, φθόνου, σκώμματος, ἧς τινὸς ἂν TU- 
Ψ > ae 5) , 7 : ee eae | 
XNTE, ἕνεκ. αἰτίας ἀνθρώπους μισθωτούς, ὧν οὐδ᾽ ἂν 
3 a yf ς > > aa. “. / ve 
ἀρνηθεῖεν EVLOL ὡς οὐκ εἰσι τοίουτοι, λέγειν κέλευετε, 
x a + fa Ν ΝΥ 2 / 

Ka γέλατε, αν τισι λοιδορηθῶσιν. 55. Καὶ ουχὲ TO 
“Ὁ ,ὔ / s\ / 5 ᾿ς Ν Ν / 
τοῦτο δεινον, καύπερ OV δεινὸν, ἀλλα καὶ μετα πλείονος 
ἢ ἢ , 7, ΄ \ a? regan 
10 ἀσφαλείας πολιτεύεσθαι δεδώκατε τούτοις ἢ τοὺς ὕπερ 

ΕΝ f / , 7: Ν 
ὑμῶν λέγουσιν. Καίτοι θεάσασθε ὅσας συμφορὰς πα- 
/ Ν a 7 37 Δ 93 A Λ 
ρασκευάζει τὸ τῶν τοιούτων εθελειν ἀκροᾶσθαι. Δέξω 
> 4 ἃ , πε 
ἐργα ἃ πάντες εἰσεσθε. 
3 2 3 ΄ a 3 “ , ἊΝ 
56. Ησαν ev Ολύνθῳ τῶν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι τινὲς 
Ν / Ν id 3 Ὁ lat 3 / XN > 
5 wey Φιλίππου καὶ wav ὑπηρετοῦντες ἐκείνῳ, τινὲς ὃ 
ε A , \ ΤΣ N “ ¢ 
*o τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ὅπως μὴ “δουλεύσωσιν οἱ TOA 
, / Ν Ν / ae, / 
ται πράττοντες. Ilotepot δὴ τὴν πατρίδα " ἐξώλεσαν ; 
‘A / Noite ΄ 7 @ 7, 
ἢ πότεροι τους ἑππέας προύδοσαν, ὧν προδοθέντων 


4 soy e κ a , 
Ολυνθος ἀπώλετο; Οἱ ta Φιλίππου φρονοῦντες καὶ, 


1 δυνήσεσθε =. Β. ἃ 5. δύνασθε Bk. 

2 ποιῆσαι pr. Σ. ΑἸ. Β. & 5. ποιῆσαι οὐδὲ βούλεσθε Bk. 

3 λοιδορίας, φθόνου, σκώμματος Σ. B. & 5. λοιδ. ἢ φθόν. ἢ σκώμ 
Bk. Voem. 

4 οἱ τοῦ Σ. B.& ὃ. τοῦ Bk. 

5 δουλεύσωσιν S.vulg. δουλεύσουσιν Bk. Voem. Β. & S. * ὅπως 
μὴ modo Conj. jungitur.” Vig. p. 436. ef. autem Buttm. ᾧ 139, 4 
et not. ἐ 

6 ἐξώλεσαν Σ. Bk. Β. ἃ 5. ἀπώλεσαν F. 





TATUUOY YT’. 57 


ev? 96 e " \ \ L , 
oT ἣν ἡ πόλις, τοὺς τὰ βέλτιστα λέγοντας συκοφαν- 
a \ , 7 “ / > > 
ποῦντες Kal διαβάλλοντες οὕτως, ὥστε τὸν Υ ἀπολλω- 
/ ie rc c A ¢ a > / 3 / 
νίδην καὶ ἐκβαλεῖν ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Ολυνθίων ἐπείσθη. 
> / Ν , 1 ἢ Ν y lal 
57. Οὐ τοίνυν παρὰ τούτοις “μόνον τὸ eos τοῦτο 
7 Ν > 7 y+ ? 7 A > > >» 
πάντα κακὰ εἰργάσατο, ἄλλοθι δ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ, αλλ ev 5 
> ,ὔ 3 Ν ? ,ὔ ΄ Ν tal 
Ἐρετρίᾳ, ἐπειδὴ atraddayevtos ΠΙλουτάρχου καὶ τῶν 


‘ / A 3 Ν ᾿Ξ Ν Ν / e ἈΝ 
ξένων ὁ δῆμος εἶχε τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸν Πορθμον, οἱ μεν 





9. ,2 ς A > /, e > DIE /. 
ep ὑμᾶς ἦγον τὰ πράγματα, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ Φίλιππον. 
3 4 x 4 Pei & - J 
Axovovtes δὲ τούτων Ta πολλά, “μᾶλλον οἱ ταλαίπω- 
Ν r > ~ 4 b ] / 
pot καὶ δυστυχεῖς Ἐρετριεῖς τελευτῶντες επείσθησαν 10 
ρ be 
XN Ν > “- / > 7. Ν 
τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν λέγοντας ἐκβώλλειν. 58. Καὶ γάρ 
2 / « / 7 2 ω Λ 
τοι πέμψας Ἱππόνικον ὁ “σύμμαχος αὐτοῖς Φίλιππος 
Ν / / \ / r “ - Ν 
καὶ ξένους χιλίους, τὰ τείχη περιεῖλε τοῦ ΠΙορθμοῦ καὶ 
la / , [ἢ 2 A 
τρεῖς κατέστησε τυράννους, ᾿Ϊππαρχον, Αὐτομέδοντα, 
/ Ν “ᾧ 2 3 A 7 
Κλείταρχον. Kai peta ταῦτ᾽ ἐξελήλακεν ἐκ τῆς χώ- 18 
Ν y 7 : 
pas dis ἤδη βουλομένους ᾿ σώξεσθαι. 
ς / a \ Ν ΄ 3 = dah 3 A 
59. Καὶ τί dee τὰ πολλὰ λέγειν; αλλ ἐν Npew 
/ Χ Μ / Ν / 
δ Φιλιστίδης μὲν ἔπραττε Φιλίππῳ καὶ Μένιππος καὶ 
4 7 Ν Δ πων al “ἷ a y 
᾿Σωκρώτης καὶ Θόας καὶ Ayarraios, οἵπερ νῦν ἐχουσι 
x / Ν ro ae J Μ f ? “ / 
τὴν πόλιν (καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἤδεσαν ἅπαντες), Εὐφραῖος δέ 2 
yf Ν > e “ > 2 ’, ᾽ / [7 
τις, ἄνθρωπος καὶ Tap ἡμῖν ποτ ἐνθάδε οἰκήσας, ὅπως 


- 


1 μόνον 3. B. & 5. μόνοις Bk. 
2 μᾶλλον Σ. μᾶλλον δὲ πάντα Bk. μᾶλλον δὲ τὰ πάντα Voem. 

3 σύμμαχος pr. Σ. Β. ὦ 5. σύμμαχος καὶ φίλος Bk. 

4 σώζεσθαι pr. Σ. Β. ἃ 5. σώζεσθαι. τότε μὲν πέμψας τοὺς per 
i Εὐρυλόχου ξένους. πάλιν δὲ τοὺς μετὰ Παρμενίωνος Bk. Voem. 

5 Φιλιστίδης Bk. Β. ἃ 5. φΦιλιστείδης Σ. vulg. 





58 AHMOSOENOYS O- KATA 


sees N N A » a N 
ἐλεύθεροι καὶ μηδενὸς δοῦλοι ἔσονται. 60. Οὗτος Ta 
ΧΡ eg. ε ΠΣ sivas ᾽ eX 
μὲν ἄλλα ws υβρίζετο καὶ προυπηλακίζετο ὑπὸ Ἰ τοῦ 
, i Ν \ ” ͵ 3 aA \ 7 
δήμου, πολλὰ ἂν εἴη λέγειν. ᾿Ενιαυτῷ δὲ πρότερον 
a ΄ 5. , Ν j / Ny} 
τῆς ἁλώσεως ἐνέδειξεν ὡς προδότην τὸν " Φιλιστίδην Kab 
᾿ Yer ee ese ar ? / A / τ 
δ τοὺς μετ΄ αὐτοῦ, αἰσθόμενος ἃ πράττουσι. Συστραφεν- 
ΧΟ 5» N “\ si ey / 
tes δὲ ἄνθρωποι πολλοὶ καὶ χορηγὸν ἔχοντες Φίλιππον 
Ν 3 A 3 / ἃς 2 Ὁ >? XN 
καὶ “πρυτανευόμενοι, ἀπάγουσι tov Evdpaiov εἰς τὸ 
; , ¢ / by , ε A 
δεσμωτήριον ὡς συνταράττοντα τὴν πόλιν. 61. Ορῶν 
δὲ ταῦθ᾽ ὁ δὴ 5 τῶν ᾿Ωρειτῶν, ἀντὶ τοῦ τῷ μὲν βοη- 
T ὁ δῆμος ὁ τῶν (Ὠρειτῶν, ἀντὶ τοῦ τῷ μεν Bon 
Ta : οἷν 3 > / ἰοὺ Ν 3 > 7 \ 
10 θεῖν Tous δ᾽ ἁποτυμπανίσαι, τοῖς μὲν οὐκ ὠργίζετο, TOV 
3 2 , a Coleen A KDR ST. Ν 
ὃ ἐπιτήδειον ταῦτα παθεῖν ἐεφη καὶ ἐπέχαιρεν. Mera 
ay? e Ἂς 2289209 / ς / 3 7 " 
ταῦθ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐπ᾿ ἐξουσίας ὁπόσης ἠβούλοντο ἔπραττον, 
φ e , ’ Ν / x a 
ὅπως ἡ πόλις ληφθήσεται, καὶ κατεσκευάζοντο τὴν πρᾶ- 
A Ἂς lal + + > / Ν 
Ew. Tov δὲ πολλῶν εἰ Tis αἰσθοιτο, ἐσίγα καὶ κατε- 
, Ν. ᾽ a - + / τὰ 
15 πέπληκτο, τὸν Εὐφραῖον, ota ἔπαθε, ὃ μεμνημένοι. Οὕ- 
2 3 / / [4 3 / as oe 
τω δ᾽ ἀθλίως διέκειντο, ὥστε οὐ πρότερον ἐτόλμησεν 
> \ ΄ A / ca "4 Ν 
οὐδεὶς τοιούτου κακοῦ προσίόοντος ῥῆξαι φωνὴν, πρὶν 
/ Xx NN / / e / 
διασκευασάμενοι πρὸς TA τείχη προσήεσαν οἱ πολέε- 
A > « N 9 4 e N 5.5 
pot. Τηνικαῦτα δ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἠμύνοντο, ot δὲ προὐδίδοσαν., 
A οὗ Λ ἢ 4 " ἴω Ν a 
20 62. Τῆς δὲ πόλεως οὕτως ἁλούσης αἰσχρῶς καὶ KAKWS 


€ Ν 4 N A Ν , , 
Ol [LEV apxXouat Kab τυραννοῦσι, TOUS ΤΟΤΕ σωζοντας 


1 τοῦ δήμου Σ. Υ. Β. & 5. τοῦ δήμου τοῦ τῶν ᾿Ωρειτῶν Bk. 

2 Φιλιστίδην vulg. Φιλιστείδην Σ. , 

3 πρυτανευόμενοι, pr. Σ. Β. ἃ 5. πρυταν. παρ᾽ ἐκείνου, Bk. Voem. 

4 ἐπιτήδειον Σ. B. & 5. ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι Bk. 

5 μεμνημένοι Σ. Β. & 5. Rued. Funkh. Obs. crit. p. 19. μεμνη“ 
μένος Bk. Voem. 


@IAIMNOY I. Ν 59 


> Ν Ν Ν 3 a e / e A : a y 
αὑτοὺς καὶ Tov Evdpaiov ἐτοίμους ὁτιοῦν ποιεῖν ὄντας 
‘ Ν 5 ὔ x \ 3 , ε 
σοὺς μὲν ἐκβαλόντες Tous δὲ ἀποκτείναντες. ὋὉ δ᾽ 
Ev a > val 3 / ¢ / y+ ᾽ὔ 
_ Evdpawos exewos ἀπέσφαξεν εαὐυτόν, ἐργῳ μαρτυρήσας 
1 [72 \ / Ν ~ ¢ : - r 5 
ὅτι Kat δικαίως καὶ καθαρῶς ὑπερ τῶν πολιτῶν ανθει- 
/ / 
᾿ στήκει Φιλίππῳ. 
/ 5 > yy / 2) 5 Ν Ν ‘ 
63. Τί οὖν ποτ᾽ αἴτιον, Oavpater ἴσως, “τὸ καὶ τοὺς 
3 Ν Sk. A \ See , / 
᾿Ολυνθίους καὶ tovs Ἐρετριεῖς καὶ τους ρείτας ἥδιον 
Ν Ν ¢- NX / / > x ‘ Cink 
πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερ Φιλίππου λέγοντας ἔχειν ἢ τους ὑπερ 
a -“ Ὡ Ν a. Cc A cd a ‘N ς Ν A 
€aUT@V ; ὅπερ καὶ παρ ὑμῖν, OTL τοῖς μεν ὑπερ τοῦ 
/ / Ia / 4 Dh 
βελτίστου λέγουσιν οὐδὲ βουλομένοις ἔνεστιν ἐνίοτε 
- 
Ν / Jar 3 ΩΝ Ν ἧς / > 3 / 
πρὸς χάριν ovoev εἰπεῖν. Ta yap πράγματ ἀνάγκη 
r « ᾽ὔ z e ee 3 Ar e / 
σκοπεῖν ὅπως σωθήσεται. Οἱ δ᾽ εν αὑτοῖς οἷς χαρίζον- 
/ / > , at 
ται Φιλίππῳ συμπράττουσιν. 64. Evcdépewy ἐκέλευον, 
J > Jar a y+ rn Ν Ν 7 
οἱ δ΄ οὔδεν δεῖν ἔφασαν. ]Πολεμεῖν καὶ μὴ πιστεύειν, 


3.3 


οἱ δ᾽ ἄγειν εἰρήνην, ἕως “ἐγκατελήφθησαν. Τἄλλα τὸν 


- aN 7) > 7 5. ὦν Ν Ἄν ὑφ f / 
avuTov TpO7Trov OLuat πᾶνθ >» να #7) καθ εκαστω λέγω" 






e , 27993 4 € a ao ΦΥ͂. ε >? > φ 
οἱ μέν, Ef “οἷς χαριοῦνται, ταῦτ “ἔλεγον, οἱ δ᾽, εξ ὧν 
» 7 Ν XN Ν ἈΝ - 

ἔμελλον “σωθήσεσθαι. Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα 


> “ 7 20% N , 7 5 ιν ΕΣ ς 
οὐχ οὕτως, ‘ovde πρὸς χάριν, ‘ovde dv ἀγνοίαν οἱ πολ- 


ὅτι καὶ >. Β. & 5. ὅτι Bk. 
τὸ Σ. F. Al- 2.3. Β. & 5. τοῦ Bk. 
"ἰὐυῤθησαν vulg. ἐγκατελείφθησαν Σ. 
οἷς Σ. Β. ὦ 5. οἷς ἤδη ΒΚ. * 
ἔλεγον Β. ἃ 5. ἔλεγον καὶ ἐλύπουν οὐδέν, al. 2. H. Bk. 
6 σωθήσεσθαι. >. F. ¥. Ω. Β. ἃ 5. σωθήσεσθαι, προσῆσαν δ᾽ 
᾿ ἀπέχθειαι. Al- 3. 8. Bk. haec in margine Σ. rec. 
ὃ ὃ 


7 οὐδὲ ---- οὐδὲ Σ. Β. & S. οὔτε --- οὔτε F. οὔτε ---- οὔτε Bk. 


σι fF ὦ ἢ» 


8 προσίεντο Σ. Β. & 35. προεῖντο Al? προΐεντο Bk. 


Ν 7, 5 27" é 7, > XN Ν 
λοι δ προσίεντο, ἀλλ νυποκατακλινομενοῖ, ἐπειδὴ τοῖς 2 


60 AHMOSOCENOYS O KATA 


«λ (¢ a) 5 / Ἂ Ἂς ἧς / ‘ A 
ὅλοις ἡττᾶσθαι ἐνόμιζον. 65. Ὃ νὴ tov Ata καὶ Tov 
3 , A as \ / ἌΝ ae \ IAA 
Arodrw δέδοικα ‘eyo μὴ πάθητε ὑμεῖς, ἐπειδὰν * εἰδῆτε 
3 ΝΣ Ν 3 ΟΥ̓ Ν ee W/ / Ν , 
ϑἐκλογιζόμενοι μηδὲν “ ἐν ὑμῖν ἐνόν. Καίτοι μὴ °yevor- 
Ν > Ὁ > A Χ ΄ Wy et ΄' 
TO μὲν, ὦ ἄνδρες AOnvaior, τὰ πρώγματ ἐν τούτῳ" 
’ὔ 5 Χ , r s\ / A 
δ τεθνάναι “δὲ μυριώκις κρεῖττον ἢ κολακείᾳ TL ποιῆσαι 
/ / > ¢e Ν A 3 / 
Φιλίππου. 66. Καλήν Ὑ οἱ πολλοὶ νὺν ἀπειλήφασιν 
3 A , “4 tai / Λ 2 / 
Qpetav χάριν, ort τοις Φιλίππου φίλοις ἐπέτρεψαν 
€ 4 - 2 2 a “ / 3 A 
αὑτούς, Tov ὃ Evdpatiov ewfouv. Καλὴν y ὁ δῆμος ὁ 
? / χά Χ N ¢ / Ψ', 3 Λ 
Ἐρετριέων, ὃτι τους μὲν ὑμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀπήλασε, 
be i Oe τὴν i? / / 
10 Κλειτάρχῳ δ᾽ ἐνέδωκεν avtov: “δουλεύουσί γε μαστι- 
’ N / A 3 / ᾿Ξ / 
γούμενοι καὶ ᾿σφαττόμενοι. Καλῶς ᾿Ολυνθίων ἐφεί- 
a Ων x , “ / ‘ 
σατο τῶν τὸν μεν Aacbevn ἵππαρχον χειροτονησάντων, 
μον ἐν) / 3 ᾿ / \ 
tov δε ᾿Απολλωνίδην ἐκβαλόντων. 67. ωρία καὶ κα- 
/ \ a 3 7 Ν a / 4 
Kia Ta τοιαῦτα ἐλπίζειν, καὶ κακῶς βουλευομένους καὶ 
Ν e el; 7 al 3 /. 3 Ν - Ν 
1b μηδὲν ὧν πῤόσηἠκει ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντας, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπερ 
A 3 a / 3 ,ὕ 4 [2 rn 
τῶν ἐχθρῶν λεγόντων ἀκροωμένους, τηλικαύτην ἡγεῖ- 
, 3 a \ / d > ἘΞ ς a 3 
σθαι πόλιν οἰκεῖν τὸ μέγεθος, ὥστε μηδ ἂν ὁτιοῦν ἢ 
Ν J N N Sentry a7, 3 ῃ 
δεινὸν πείσεσθαι. 68. Καὶ μὴν “κἀκεῖνό γε αἰσχρόν, 


9 


[4 / ? 5 - ες 7] ον δ » ‘0 ΩΝ / 
ὕστερὸν TOT “εἰπεῖν “τίς γὰρ ἂν φηθὴ ταῦτα γενέ 


ἐγὼ Σ. Α1-3. Η. Β. ὦ 5. ἔγωγε Bk. 

εἰδῆτε Σ. Β. & 5. vulg. ἴδητε Y. ΑΞ. yp. F. Bk. Voem. 
ἐκλογιζόμενοι 3. Β. & 5. ἐκ λογισμοῦ Bk. 

ἐν ὑμῖν Σ. BL & 5. ὑμῖν Bk. Voem. 


γένοιτο μὲν --- δὲ Σ. Β. &S. ἵγένοιτο, ὦ .... τεθνάναι yap Bk. 
@ 
6 Φιλίππου Β. ἃ 5. Φιλίππου 3. Φιλίππῳ καὶ προέσθαι τῶν 


σι © ὦ ἢ "ῷ 


ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν λεγόντων τινάς. Bk. Voem. 
i σφαττόύμενοι ΣΕ ἄρ τος στρεβλούμενοι Bk. 
8 κἀκεῖνό 5.2. Β. ἃ 5. ἐκεῖνό Bk. Voem. 
9 εἰπεῖν Σ. Β. ἃ 5. εἰπεῖν συμβώντος τινός Bk. Voem. Rued. 





S®IAINNMOY YP. 61 


Ν Ν / yy Ἂς Ν \ Ν - Ν ‘ 
σθαι; νὴ Tov Δία, ἔδει yap τὸ καὶ TO ποιῆσαι, καὶ TO 
\ a ‘ou " Ae. > 2 A A 
μὴ ποιῆσαι. Πολλὰ ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοιεν Ολύνθιοι νῦν, ἃ 
me >) / 3 “Δ 3 / }. > ΝΥ >) “ 
TOT εἰ, προείδοντο, οὐκ ἂν ἀπωλοντο πόλλ ἂν (Δ ρεῖ- 
Ν - Ν rn 3 / “ἢ 
Tal, πολλὰ Φωκεῖς, πολλὰ τῶν ὡπολωλοότων ἕκαστοι. 
3 \ / ἐν +S p A “ \ / 
69. ἄλλα TL τούτων ὀοφελος αὕτοις ; Ews av σωζηται 
Ν , Μ κ xo re 5 7 Ν Ν 
τὸ σκάφος, ἂν τε μεῖζον ἂν T ἔλαττον 7, τότε χρὴ καὶ 
4 Ν 7 Ν 7 Σ 3. δ tan 4 
ναύτην καὶ κυβερνήτην καὶ TavT ἄνδρα εξῆς προθύμους 
9 ΟΝ Ps ee ᾿ ef ὃ %) oa? δὴ 
εἶναι, καὶ ὅπως μὴηθ᾽ ἑκὼν μὴτ᾽ ἄκων μηδεὶς "ἀνατρέψῃ, 
- a 3 Ν X e Λ e / 
τοῦτο σκοπεῖσθαι. Ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἡ θάλαττα ὑπέρσχη, 
, ς , cS ter ee 7 > ΤᾺΣ 
μάταιος ἡ σπουδὴ. 70. Καὶ ἡμεῖς τοίνυν, ὦ ἄνδρες 
3 a cd 3 Ἄ, A Λ / 5, 
Αθηναῖοι, ἕως ἐσμὲν σῴοι, πόλιν μεγίστην ἔχοντες, 
3 Ν 7 ϑ9φςῳ. Λ / ca) 
ἀφορμας πλείστας, ἀξίωμα κάλλιστον, ---- TL ποιῶμεν ; 
- tas “Ὁ i 3 , / > x Ἀ 
πάλαι τις ἡδέως ἂν Laws ἐρωτήσων κάθηται. Eyo νὴ 
ΡΣ κα Ν 7 δι \ 4. , 
Ai ἐρῶ, καὶ γράψω δε, ὥστε, ἂν βούλησθε, "χειροτονή- 
> Ν lal > / \ 
σετε. 71. AvTol πρῶτον ἀμυνόμενοι καὶ TAapacKeEva- 
/ 7 Ν ’, .-" 7 / 
Comevol, τριήρεσι καὶ χρήμασι καὶ στρατιώταις λέγω. 
Ν Ἂς xX e/ / / } e 
Καὶ yap av ἅπαντες δήπου δουλεύειν συγχωρήσωσιν ob 
yf. eel TS XN A 2. / 3 / ~ 
ἀλλο, ἡμῖν Y UTEP TIS ἐλευθερίας ἀγωνιστέον. Ταῦτα 


9 = 


XN ᾽ὔ > Ν / Ν 7ὔ 
δὴ πάντα αὑτοὶ ᾿παρεσκευασμένοι καὶ “ποιήσαντες φα- 


μ- 
a 


Ν Ἂν ἈΝ “aN A Ν ‘ tal 
vepa, τους ἄλλους 790N παρακάλωμεν, καὶ TOUS TAUTA B 


/ 5 a 
διδώξοντας ἐκπέμπωμεν πρέσβεις "πανταχοῖ, εἰς Πελο- 


1 ἀνατρέψῃ Bk. ἀνατρέψει Schaef. B.&S..Voem. cf. supra 
§ 56. : 
᾿ 9 χειροτονήσετε 32 F. ¥. Ω. B. & S. χειροτονήσατε Al- 3: H. Bk. 
Rued. cf. Phil. I. § 30. 

3 παρεσκευασμένοι Σ. Β. & 5. παρασκευασάμενοι Bk. 

4 ποιήσαντες pr. Σ. Β. ἃ 5. ποιήσαντες τοῖς Ἕλλησι Bk. Voem. 

5 πανταχοῖ Ὡ. Bk. πανταχοῦ vulg. πανταχοῦ, .... καταστρέψα- 


θ 


62 AHMOSOENOYS O KATA 


, 5 (+ / 3 / « tA / Jan 
movynaor, εἰς Podov, εἰς Χίον, ws Baciréa λέγω (οὐδὲ 
Ν. al 3 ὧ 7 3 / Ἂς δ Ὁ 
yap τῶν ἐκείνῳ συμφερόντων ἀφέστηκε τὸ μὴ τοῦτον 

3A , ; , ΟΣ oasis \ 7 
ἐᾶσαι πάντα καταστρέψασθαι), ἐν €av μεν πείσητε, 
Χ yy Ἂς an 7 \ nr 3 7 
κοινωνοὺς ἔχητε καὶ τῶν κινδύνων καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων, 
+ 5 / 5 δὲ / "4 3 3 A ra 7 
δἂν τί δέῃ, εἰ OE μή, χρόνους Y ἐμποιῆτε τοῖς πράγμα- 
9 3 Ν iA 3 Ἂς y+ Ἂς Ἄν a> 
σιν. 72. Επειδὴ yap ἐστι πρὸς ἄνδρα καὶ οὐχὶ συνε- 
’ /. 3 ἈΝ e /. Ia lone Mee. 4 
OTWONS πόλεως ἰσχὺν ὁ πόλεμος, οὐδε TOUT AXPNaTOD, 
Ind e / 1 A \ N / 3 Ὁ 
οὐδ᾽ αἱ πέρυσι ' πρεσβεῖαι περὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐκεῖ- 
Ἀ ε 7 \ sie \ 7 ς Λ 
vat καὶ κατηγορίαι, ἃς eyw καὶ Πολύευκτος ὁ βέλτι- 
᾽ N \ οε: , Ἂς Meee Se ͵, 
Ιόστος ἐκεινοσὶ καὶ “ Ἡγήσιππος καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πρέσβεις 
λ Ν 3 ͵7ὔ 3 nr Ρ] La) = Ν fia 
περιήλθομεν, καὶ ἐποιήσαμεν ἐπισχεῖν ἐκεῖνον καὶ μὴτ 
> se abe | / 3. a ΚΞ» 3 ὰ ¢ A 
ἐπ ApuBpaxiav ἐλθεῖν pnt ἐς Πελοπόννησον ὁρμῆσαι. 
3 / / XN 3 Ἀ ς Ἂ ¢ lal 3 lal 
73. Ov μέντοι λέγω μηδεν auTous UTEP αὐτῶν ἀναγκαυ- 
2h [κα a Ν Μ a Ν Ἂς 
ον ἐθέλοντας ποιεῖν τοὺς ἄλλους παρακαλεῖν. Καὶ yap 


9 


5 τ 3 - 5] \ , an 5 / 
1 εὔηθες τὰ οἰκεῖα αὑτους προεμένους τῶν ἀλλοτρίων 


, / Ν Ν {A a ite OS 
φάσκειν κήδεσθαι, καὶ τὰ παρόντα περιορῶντας ὑπερ 
a if N Μ΄. : A 2 7 A 
TOV μεέλλοντων τοὺς ἀλλοὺς PoPew. Ov λέγω ταῦτα, 

3 Ν a Ἂν 3 ef is , , ee) /. 

ara τοῖς μὲν ev Χερρονήσῳ χρήματ᾽ ἀποστέλλειν φη- 
Ἂς a Ν 3 “52 3 A “- 3 Ν x 

μὲ δεῖν καὶ τάλλα Oa ἀξιοῦσι ποιεῖν, αὐτοὺς δὲ Tapa- 


7 x 2 7 / a 
50 σκευάζεσθαι, “tous δ᾽ ἄλλους “Ελληνας συγκαλεῖν συν- 


σθαι), in margine rec. Σ. cet. codd. πανταχοῖ .... καταστρέψα- 
ofa) Bk. om. B. & 5. 

1 πρεσβεῖαι codd.B. & 5. πρεσβεῖαι ai Reisk. quem Bk. sequitur. 

2 Ἡγήσιππος >. F.Y. O. B. ἃ 5. ‘Hynourios καὶ Κλειτόμαχος 
καὶ Λυκοῦργος Al. H. Bk. 

3 προεμένους 3. Β. & S. προϊεμένους Bk. Rued. 

4 τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους Ἕλληνας 3. F. ¥. Q. et alii. B. ἃ S. Rued. καὶ 
πρώτους ἃ χρὴ ποιοῦντας, τότε Kal τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας Bk. 


ΙΑ ΠΟ YT. 63 


, 7, κα a> 3 κ᾿ " 5.2} 
ἄγειν διδάσκειν νουθετεῖν. Ταῦτ ἐστί πόλεως ἀξίωμα 
> / εν} a 7, 7 νλ μὴ 
ἐχούσης ἡλίκον ὑμῖν ὑπάρχει. 74. Εἰ 5° οἴεσθε Χαλ- 
/ Ν , \ / A ee 
κιδέας τὴν Ελλάδα σώσειν ἢ Meyapéas, ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἀπο- 
᾿ς Ν , 2 5 al + 3 
δράσεσθαι τὰ πρώγματα, οὐκ ὀρθῶς οἴεσθε. ᾿Αγαπη- 
‘\ ’ s\ 2 Ν 7 7 “ 3 > 
τὸν yap, ἂν αὐτοὶ σωζωνται τούτων ἕκαστοι. ἄλλ 
aed lal r (3 4 A ‘\ 7 
ὑμῖν τοῦτο πρακτέον, ὑμῖν οἱ πρόγονοι τοῦτο τὸ γέρας 
ὥ »») Ν Λ ΕΝ ἴω Ν Λ 
ἐκτησαντο καὶ κατέλιπον META “πολλων καὶ μεγάλων 


κινδύνων. 75. Εἰ δ᾽ ὃ βούλεται ξητῶν ἕκαστος καθε- 
ch 


ἴω Ν XN ra. / nr r ἢ 
δεῖται, καὶ OT@S μηδεν αὐτὸς “Τοίησεξει σΚΟΊΓΩΨ, πρῶτον 


MOT, σὴς , > of A 7 “ / 
μὲν “οὐδὲ μὴ ποθ᾽ εὕρῃ τοὺς ποιήσοντας, ἔπειτα δέδοικα 10 


“ ᾿ς νι a ef e/ 3 ὔ ral ea 
ὅπως μὴ πάνθ᾽ ἅμα, ὅσα ov βουλόμεθα, ποιεῖν ἡμῖν 
3 V4 2 ᾿ς 

ἀνάγκη “γένηται. 

> Ν Ν \ Putiee , A , N 

76. Eyo pev δὴ ταῦτα λέγω, ταῦτα γράφω, Kat 

x ae 4 2 a X N 7 , 

oLomat καὶ νῦν ἔτει ἐπανορθωθῆναι ἂν τὰ πράγματα τού- 

/ ᾽ / yA ZA 74 

Tov γιγνομένων. Et δὲ TLS ἔχει Τούτων βέλτιον, λε- 

/ “ 3 a / νι, 

γέτω καὶ συμβουλευέτω. Ὅ τι δ᾽ ὑμῖν ὕ δόξει, τοῦτ᾽, 


3 , 1 6 ἢ 
ὦ πᾶντες θεοί, συνενέγκοι. 


1 πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων κινδύνων Bk. Β. & 5. πολλῶν καὶ καλῶν 
καὶ μεγάλων κινδύνων Ε΄. Υ. ©. Rued. 

ovde 3. B.& 5: οὐ Bk. 

3 γένηται. Q. γενήσεται. [εἰ yap ἦσαν, εὕρηντ᾽ av πάλαι ἕνεκά 
γε τοῦ μηδὲν ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς ποιεῖν ἐθέλειν " GAN οὐκ εἰσίν.) Bk. hace 
Rued. quoque rec., sed ita ut post ποιήσοντας ponat. F. Y. Q. plane 
carent. 

4 τούτων =. Β. & 55. τούτων τι Bk. 

5 δόξει Bk. Β. ἃ 5. δόξηι Σ. δόξειε cet. codd. 

6 συνενέγκοι Bk. vulg. συνενέγκαι Rued. rec., quippe qui Al. 
Harl. Dresd. et Y. sequatur. 


\ 


— 


5 














" 





HISTORICAL INTRODUCTIONS 


AND 


ΝΟ Ὡς 





PHILIPPIC I. 


In the public orations of Demosthenes we possess not 
merely the elegant compositions of an accomplished orator ; 
they are also the well-considered views of a profound, prac- 
tical statesman, who knows how to trace the evils under 
which his country is suffering back to their source, and to 
impart judicious counsel for their alleviation ; they are the 
strugglings of an honest patriot to sustain the honor and 
independence of his beloved native land, as well against 
the mischievous designs of corrupt citizens at home as the 
attacks and insults of a foreign foe. The study of them, 
therefore, includes the study of the political history of 
Greece in general, and of Athens in particular, during the 
agitated period which preceded the fall of the republic; 
and the reader who aims at a proper understanding of the 
orator, needs not only a competent knowledge of his lan- 
guage, but likewise such an acquaintance with the time in 
which he lived, the customs, character, and condition of the 
people whom he addressed, and the circumstances under 
which each oration was pronounced, as may place him, in 
some degree at least, in the position of one of his hearers. 
It is only by means of such preparation that he can hope to 
appreciate the force and dignity of these masterpieces of 
deliberative eloquence. It cannot be expected, and proba- 
bly will not be desired, that I should furnish here the par- 


ticular information requisite for this purpose, for it may be 
[67] 


68 : PAILIP SIC. 


obtained from almost any of the larger histories of Greece. 
I shall limit myself to a brief notice of the prince against 
whom the Philippics were spoken, and of the leading events 
connected with the two wars which called them forth. 

Philip was the third son of Amyntas the Second, king 
of Macedonia, and was born in the second year of the 99th 
Olympiad, B. C. 883. While still a boy he was delivered 
up by his father as a hostage to the Illyrians, a powerful 
nation of barbarians on the northwest, with whom he was 
frequently engaged in war. After the death of Amyntas, 
he was consigned to the hands of the Theban general Pe- 
lopidas, who acted as mediator between Alexander and his 
rival, Ptolemy. Philip, with thirty others, the sons of noble 
families, was carried as a hostage to Thebes, where he 
remained three years (or, as some authors say, nine), during 
which Alexander was assassinated by Ptolemy, who gov- 
erned one year as regent for his nephew Perdiccas, Amyntas’s 
second son. ‘The latter, not long after his accession, gave 
battle to the Illyrians, who then occupied a considerable 
part of his country, and was killed and all his army de- 
stroyed. Philip, on hearing of this event, made his escape 
from Thebes, and returned to Macedonia, where he assumed 
the government, first as regent for his nephew, an infant 
son of Perdiccas; but, owing to the embarrassed state of 
the kingdom, he was soon after declared king, in the twenty- 
fourth year of his age, and the first of the 105th Olympiad, 
B. C. 359. 

Macedonia was as yet but a feeble and insignificant king- 
dom, rent by internal feuds, and harassed by hostile neigh- 
bors, from whose encroachments it with difficulty maintained 
its independence. Beside the Illyrians, who once even 
expelled Amyntas from his dominions, it had to sustain 
continual wars with the Pzonians and Thracians; on the 
east, Olynthus, standing at the head of a formidable league, 
seized every opportunity of increasing its territories ; and 
the Greek colonies, which had established themselves along 


INTRODUCTION. 69 


the coast, cut off nearly all communication with the sea. 
The latter was swept by the fleets of Athens, which imposed 
many burdens upon the Macedonian commerce; thus ex- 
acting indirectly a tribute to that republic. Philip’s em- 
barrassments were further increased by the troubles arising 
out of a disputed succession ; for, in addition to his nephew, 
who, as son of the late king, was doubtless favored by a 
strong party, there were two other competitors for the 
crown, — Pausanias, supported by Thrace, and Argeus by 
the Athenians, who hoped through him to get possession of 
Amphipolis. 

By such difficulties and perils did Philip find himself 
encompassed as-he assumed the reins of government; but, 
though young and inexperienced, he was not long in proving 
himself fully equal to the emergency. The years he passed 
at Thebes had been turned to good account, for, besides 
gaining an acquaintance with the Grecian philosophy, and 
such a command of the language as enabled him to write 
and speak it with an ease and: elegance not inferior to the 
most practised orators of the day, he had become versed in 
the principles of statesmanship and war, with all the im- 
provements effected by Epaminondas and Pelopidas, by 
whom these arts had been carried to the highest point that 
they had yet reached in Greece. Thebes was at that time 
the great centre of political movements, and hence the 
most favorable position for observing the condition, interests, 
and mutual relations of the Greek states, as well as the 
state of parties and the nature and working of republican 
institutions. In that school it is probable that Philip learned 
many of those secrets which often afterwards enabled him 
to conquer without drawing the sword, and acquired that 
knowledge of character and that address in dealing with 
men, and winning them for his ends, which he possessed in 
so eminent adegree. He was also endowed by nature with 
nearly every quality that could fit him for the station which 
he was destined to fill; — a robust frame, trained to habits 

i . 


70 PHILTPRIC. 


of activity and endurance, a fine person, a noble presence, 
that inspired respect and confidence in all who approached 
him; a cheerful conversation and ready eloquence, cultiva- 
ted to a degree that excited admiration even in that rhe- 
torical age; with acuteness of observation he united a 
discriminating judgment, fertility of invention with facility 
in execution; and had a singular adroitness in the manage- 
ment of men and things. ‘These qualities were powerfully 
seconded by a rare affability, generosity, and clemency, that 
few who came into his presence were able to resist. But 
all his accomplishments and faculties of mind and body were 
under the control of an iron will, and always made subser- 
vient to the purposes of an insatiable and vast ambition, 
which aimed at nothing less than universal dominion. 
Philip’s first care was to secure the affections of his army, 
often exerting his eloquence for this purpose; and while he 
increased the strictness of military discipline, he conciliated 
his troops by his amiable condescension, and infused into 
them his own desire of making Macedonia first among the 
nations. The admiration excited by his rare talents, and 
the dangers which threatened the country from civil war, as 
well as from foreign invasion, soon turned all eyes upon 
him as the man upon whom the hopes of the country rested. 
The kingdom was apparently on the eve of dismemberment ; 
Philip saved it. Nay,it might be justly said that he created 
the power of Macedonia, since to the new system of tactics 
introduced by him was owing the remarkable success 
which afterwards attended its troops. In the new organiza- 
tion of the army, he adopted, as we mentioned above, the 
improvements made in the art of war by Epaminondas, who 
first deviated from the received order of battle in which one 
line was drawn up in front of the other, and, as he is de- 
scribed by Xenophon, in the battle of Mantinea, advanced 
with the flower of his army ‘like a galley with threatening 
prow,” by which he was enabled to break through the 
enemy’s line. On a similar plan Philip constituted the 





INTRODUCTION. 71 


Macedonian phalanx, which was afterwards so renowned, 
and which continued invincible till it measured strength 
with the Roman legions. His allies, the Thessalians, fur- 
nished him with a body of cavalry, which in his hands be- 
came the most efficient of any that was known in ancient 
times. With such a disciplined and well-appointed standing 
army, it is not surprising that he was more than a match 
for the Northern barbarians, or the occasional levies of Greek 
militia, which at that day was too often composed of poorly 
paid and ill-conditioned mercenaries. 

His first measures were prompt and rapid. He succeeded 
in buying off the Thracians, who wished to place Pausanias 
upon the throne, and then advanced against Mantias, whom 
the Athenians had sent to support Argzeus with an army of 
three thousand men. These he met and defeated at Me- 
thone, taking a considerable number as prisoners. This 
victory, and the expedition into Illyria and Pzonia, in both 
of which he was successful, were operations of a single 
campaign. 

Among the prisoners taken at Methone, were some of the 
Athenian troops. These were treated by Philip with marked 
liberality and kindness; for he not only restored to them 
their liberty, but made them presents as compensation for 
what they had lost; and on their return to Athens, he sent 
a letter to the people, in which he signified a desire 
to renew the friendship which had formerly subsisted 
between his father and the republic, at the same time hint- 
ing his willingness to see Amphipolis reduced under their 
dominion. This city had long been anxiously coveted by 
the Athenians, not only as a military post, but as a place 
from which they could obtain a plentiful supply of timber 
for their navy ; for the latter reason particularly, its pos- 
“session was so important, that there was hardly any price 
at which they would not have been willing to purchase it. 
Philip’s letter, therefore, gave them great satisfaction ; and, 
conciliated by his friendly professions, and the prospect of 


72 PHILIPPA Bs 
᾿ 

so easily obtaining their object, they concluded a treaty of 
peace with him, without any express stipulation in regard 
to Amphipolis. He had, however, no real intention of 
resigning so important a town to Athens, and still less to 
the Olynthians, who likewise were desirous of obtaining it. 
He first declared it independent, but not long after seized a 
pretext for hostilities, and made preparations for reducing 
it. The Olynthians, becoming alarmed at the prospect of 
losing it, solicited the Athenians to aid them in defending 
the place in which they had a common interest ; but Philip 
found means to prevent a coalition, by persuading the 
Athenians that he had no intention of keeping Amphipolis, 
but that when he had taken it he would restore it to them. 
In return for this, the Athenians, as we learn from a frag- 
ment of Theopompus, had secretly promised to put him in 
possession of Pydna, a city on the coast, then belonging to 
their alliance. He likewise purchased the acquiescence of 
Olynthus, by ceding to it the town of Anthemus; and 
being thus free to contend single-handed with Amphipolis, 
he proceeded to lay seige to it. The inhabitants in their 
distress, sent to implore the aid of the Athenians, offering 
to surrender the city into their hands; but that people, 
depending on Philip’s good faith, and perhaps preferring to 
acquire by an amicable exchange what might otherwise in- 
volvye them in war with him, paid no regard to the applica- 
tion. Philip took the city by assault, aided, as Demosthenes 
asserts, by the treachery of his partisans within the walls. 
He immediately marched against Pydna, which, either 
through terror or treachery, opened its gates tohim. Philip 
considered himself as no longer bound by his promise in 
relation to Amphipolis; and the resentment produced at 
Athens by his duplicity and the loss of the two cities gave 
rise to hostilities that continued for many years, called, from 
their origin, the Amphipolitan War. 

In the mean time troubles had arisén in another quarter, 
which strongly claimed the attention of Athens. The in- 





INTRODUCTION. | "3 


- 

habitants of Byzantium, those of Rhodes and of some cther 
islands belonging to her confederacy, had, at the instigation 
of Mausolus, the prince of Caria, leagued themselves to- 
gether and raised the standard of revolt. Originating out 
of the oppressive exactions which Athens permitted her 
generals to make, this war with her allies proved most dis- 
astrous to her, since by it she lost much of her naval impor- 
tance, and three of her mgst celebrated generals, Chabrias, 
Timotheus, and Iphicrates, After a violent yet unavailing 
contest of three years, she was glad to make peace with the 
rebellious states and to acknowledge their independence. 

Of these difficulties of his most formidable enemy, Philip 
had taken advantage, in order to strengthen his power by 
alliance and conquest. In particular he had obtained a 
firm footing in Thessaly, and had secured the gratitude and 
firm friendship of several cities, which he had aided in ex- 
pelling tyrants from them. He was thus ready to secure 
the first favorable opportunity that might offer, of inter- 
fering in the quarrels of the Grecian states, now enfeebled 
by their contests for the supremacy, and separated more 
than ever by mutual hatred and jealousy. Such an occasion 
was afforded by the breaking out of the Phocian, or Sacred, 
War. The immediate cause of it was this. The Phocians 
nad converted to their use certain fields consecrated to the 
Delphian temple, for which they were arraigned for sacrilege 
before the Council of Amphictyons, and condemned to pay 
an exhorbitant fine, far exceeding their ability. In default 

of payment, the Thebans and Locrians, as their nearest 
. neighbors, were charged with inflicting vengeance on behalf 
of the offended divinity. The Phocians determined to de- 
fend themselves, and took forcible possession of the temple, 
employing its treasures for the purpose of raising and sup- 
porting an army. ‘The consequences of this measure were 
pernicious to a degree altogether incalculable ; a beginning 
of the profanation of the sacred offerings once made, the 
Phocian leaders observed no limit, and soon began to regard 


74 PHIL TEP E. 


the temple as itself a mine, from which they might supply — 
their extravagances without fear of ever being able to ex- 

haust it. According to Diodorus, more than ten thousand - 
talents were put into circulation in the course of a few — 
years. When we consider that this vast amount of precious © 





metals was concentrated within a narrow space, we cannot 
be surprised at the sudden and terrible revolution which it 
caused in all the relations of society; the rapid decline in 
' the morals of the masses, the decay of religious feeling, the 
almost total extinction of patriotism, and in their stead the 
prevalence of personal passions, “bribery, and the love of 
pleasure, which prepared and led the way, at length to a 
transition from republican to monarchial government. By 
the means above stated, the Phocians were enabled to pro- 
long the contest, in which nearly all the Grecian states were 
by degrees incited to take part. On the side of the Thebans 
were the Locrians, Thessalians, Perrhebians, Dolopians, 
Acheans, Phthiotans, Magnesians, and others; whilst the 
Phocians were favored by the Athenians, by the Lacede- 
monians, and several other Peloponnesian cities. 

The pawers were about evenly balanced, and no very 
decided advantage had been gained by either side, when, 
in the third year of the war, the adversaries of Phocis were 
strengthened by the accession of a new ally. In the fourth 
year of the 106th Olympiad, B. C. 353, Philip was invited 
the second time by the Thessalians to aid in expelling 
Lycophron, the tyrant of Phere, who, at the news of his 
approach, sent to implore the help of the Phocians. Ono- 
marchus, the commander of the latter, first sent his brother 
Phayllus with seven thousand men into Thessaly for that 
purpose ; but upon his defeat, he determined to march with 
all his forces to the relief of Lycophron. Philip was beaten 
in two engagements, and compelled to retreat into Mace- 
donia; returning, however, not long after, with a more 
numerous army, he routed the Phocians, killing their leader, 
and taking a large number of prisoners. Having thus be- 


INTRODUCTION. 15 


come master of the whole of Thessaly, he hastily settled its 
affairs, and began his march to the south with the design of 
-entering Phocis by way of Thermopyle. ‘The Athenians, 
receiving intimation of this movement promptly sent a ficet 
into the Malian Gulf, so that when Philip arrived at the’ 
pass, he found it strongly guarded. Thus finding himself 
foiled, he was forced to abandon his plan for the present, 
and returned into Macedonia. 

Previous to this expedition also, Philip had gained some 
important acquisitions to his dominion along the northern 
shores of the Aigean. Not long after the capture of Am- 
phipolis, he besieged and took Potidza, a colony of ‘Athens ; 
then Methone, which succumbed only after a long siege, 
and which he treated with great severity, razing the city to 
the ground, selling the inhabitants as slaves, and dividing 
their lands among the Macedonians. Thence descending 
into Thessaly, as above stated, he got possession of Phere, 
Pagase, and Magnesia. He had committed also several 
bold aggressions upon the possessions of Athens in the 
_ffigean; such as plundering the islands of Lemnos and 
Imbros, seizing the fleet at Gerestos, on the coast of 
Eubcea, and carrying off the sacred trireme from Marathon. 
These expeditions usually were either made at seasons of 
the year when the Athenians were unable to sail towards 
the north, or were executed so promptly that the armaments, 
from the accustomed tardiness of preparation, arrived too 
late to prevent the injury. When Philip, therefore, at- 
tempted to lead his army through the pass of Thermopyle, 
little doubt could remain in the minds of the people of Athens 
about his ultimate intentions. What would he do, after 
finishing the Phocian war, but march his army into Attica and 
attack them on their own ground? ‘They had all along 
despised Philip as an upstart, from whom little real danger 
was to be apprehended. But now they began to be serious- 
ly alarmed; Philip’s enterprises and probable intentions 
were often the topic of discussion in the public assembly ; the . 


76 PHILIRBICL ; 


orators and demagogues were loud in their invectives against 
his desire of aggrandizement and crafty duplicity, but no 
effective measures were employed to check him in his vic- — 
torious career. 

Libanius informs us, in his Argument to the First Philip- 
pic, that the Athenians had convened in public assembly, 
disheartened by their ill success in the war. Then De- 
mosthenes, who had but recently begun to take part in the 
public deliberations, rises for the purpose of combating this 
discouragement, and urging the necessity of more vigorous 
action than had hitherto been employed. He maintains that 
the present bad condition of public affairs, so far from jus- 
tifying despondency, offered the best ground of hope for 
the future, for the reason that they had not yet exerted 
themselves as their exigencies required. That they had been 
in positions of greater difficulty in their contests with the 
Lacedzemonians, and had extricated themselves by self- 
reliance and strenuous exertion; likewise now, though 
Philip had become formidable by his numerous army, and 
had by his conquests surrounded his land by a strong hedge 
of fortifications, they might still hope, by proper attention 
to their duty, to retrieve their losses and punish his inso- 
lence. They should not stand in awe of him as of a god 
whose power was for ever secured to him; he had grown 
great less by his own strength than by their negligence ; 
and since he was insatiable and continually grasping for 
more in all directions, their honor, as well as their safety, 
demandéd that they should hold themselves ready to oppose 
him by all the means in their power. The oratur proposes 
in the first place to raise a force of two thousand foot and 
five hundred horse, of whom at least one-fourth should be 
citizens ; that these, attended by a suitable convoy of ves- 
sels of war, should be sent to hover about the Macedonian 
coast, and constantly harass Philip in every possible manner. 
That they could find harbors and winter quarters in the 

_neighboring islands, and thus be prepared at all seasons to ~ 





NOTES. 77 


prevent his hostile cruises, or to render assistance where it 
should be necessary. Beside this, they should hold in 
readiness fifty vessels, and be resolved to embark in person 
at the first emergency. By such means only could they 
hope to put a stop to his ravages, and keep the war ata 
distance from Attica; otherwise, if they persisted in sitting 
idle at home, amusing themselves: with pomps and. shows, 
without an organized plan of defence, they must ere long 
expect to sustain an attack from Philip on their own terri- 
tory. The annual expense of this armament is estimated 
at ninty-two talents. 

The plan submitted by Demosthenes was carefully 
matured ; such a blockade of the Macedonian posts by a 
standing force, which should be on the watch for favorable 
opportunities of attack, and reinforced, in case of need, by 
a large fleet, was undoubtedly the surest means of keeping 
Philip within his own boundaries, and guarding the Athe- 
nians and their allies from his incursions. That his advice, 
however, was not followed, at least in the energetic manner 
recommended, may be inferred from the fact that the follow- 
ing years exhibit no material change in the position of 
Athens towards the king, as likewise from some passages 
contained in the Third Olynthiac, delivered in the fourth 
year of the 107th Olympiad, B. C. 349, about three years 
after the First Philippic. 


51. Εἰ μὲν περὶ καινοῦ... .. προὐτίθετο, If it had been 
proposed to deliberate upon some new subject, etc. Several 
days before the ordinary meeting of the Athenian assembly 
(χυρία ἐκκλησία), notice was given, by means of a card or 
programme, on what day the meeting would be held, and 


what business would be brought before it. The author of 
8 


718 PHILIPREE. 


the Rhetor. Lex. in BEKKER’s Anecd. I. p. 296, says that 
this notice was put up five days before the meeting. It con- 
sisted of a wooden board (σανίς) coated with plaster, upon 
which the necessary information was written. ULpran ad 
Phil. 1. 88, and ScHoEeMann de Comitiis Atheniensium, p. 
59. Προτιθέναι was also employed in a more special sense ; 
as λόγον or γνώμας προτιθέναι, said of the Proedri, when 
they proposed a subject for discussion (sententias dicendi 
potestatem facere). ScuoxEm. de Comit. Ath. p. 104. 

Ei pev.... ἐπισχὼν av. In conditional sentences which 
relate to something past, εἰ with the imperfect, followed by 
ἂν with the aorist, indicates a condition continued, or often 
repeated, upon which the latter, as a consequence, depends. 
Both, then, correspond to the Latin pluperfect subjunctive. 
Marru. Gr. Gr. § 508. Ὁ. The participle with ἄν is often 
used instead of the finite verbal form. Hermann ad 
VicEr. de Idiotism. Gr. p. 336. In such case, however, 
the verb εἶναι is to be understood, as Hr. contends, pp. 
770 and 776. WotrF renders, ewxspectassem, dum plurimt 
eorum, qui solent, sententias dixissent. Cf. VicER. p. 483. 

τῶν εἰωθότων. Supply γνώμην ἀποφήνασθαι or as Isocrat. 
Archidam. § 1, Ἐγὼ δ᾽, εἰ μέν τις ἄλλος τῶν εἰθισμένων ἐν ὑμῖν 
ἀγορεύειν ἀξίως ἦν τῆς πόλεως εἰρηκὼς, ἡσυχίαν ἂν ἦγον. De- 
mosthenes alludes to the old statesmen who usually took the 
lead in public deliberations, and whose injudicious counsels 
had brought the republic into danger. Cf. Olynth. 111. 8 
27. According to a law instituted by Solon, those were 
first invited to speak who had passed their fiftieth year. 
This was done by the herald, who opened the discussion in 
the following form: Tis ἀγορεύειν βούλεται τῶν ὑπὲρ πεντή- 
κοντὰ ἔτη γεγονότων ; After these, any citizen had the right 
to speak who was not politically disqualified. This law had, 
however, fallen very much into disuse, and it often hap- 
pened that young men, who had scarcely passed the period 
of youth, but possessing unusual talents and confident 
loquacity, ascended the speaker’s tribune. Scnorm. de 


NOTES. 79 


Comit. Ath. p. 105. Much deference was, however, still 
paid to the senior orators. Cf. Schol. ad Phil. I. p. 42, 
Reiske’s ed. For this reason Demosthenes deems it fitting 
to apologize for rising first, which he does in a manner well 
calculated to find favor with his audience, and conciliate 
their attention for what he has to propose. 

ἀποφαίνεσθαι γνώμην, to manifest one’s opinion, to set forth 
in words. ὶ 

ὑπὲρ ὧν. An abbreviated expression for ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπὲρ 
ὧν. ΒΕΚΚΕΒ has retained the vulg. περί, but the former is 
found in the Codex X and several of the best manuscripts. 
The distinction between περί and ὑπέρ had begun to be 
much neglected in the time of Demosthenes, who himself 
did not always observe it. For example, Orat. de Corona, 
§ 17, καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅσα ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης. Olynth. 11. § 1, or 
in Mid. § 24, τοὺς γὰρ ὑπὲρ τούτων λόγους, x. τ. }. 

yuri is more definite than vv», which is joined not only 
with the present, but also with the preterite and future. 
VicER. p. 425. γυνί signifies the immediate present. F. A. 
Wotr, ad Lept. p. 242. 

οὗτοι, the other orators. 

καὶ πρῶτος ἀναστὰς. Καὶ in the sense of although, as in 
Orat. de Corona, § 41, καὶ τούτων, obwohl, although, BoEcKH. 
— ‘Avactag: the most frequent expressions applied to 
those who rose to speak were, ἀνίστασθαι, παριέναι ἐπὶ TO 
βῆμα, ἀναβαίνειν εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ; the orators were sometimes 
called simply οἱ παριόντες. Scuorm. de Com. Ath. p. 106. 
Cf. Orat. de Cor. § 171. Wour renders, arbitror me, 
tametsi primus surrexerim, jure tamen veniam impetraturum. 
ScHAEFER (Apparat. crit. ad Dem.) prefers to omit ἄν, 
because the orator does not speak here hypothetically, 
but confidently. But ἄν lends modesty to his confidence, 
and should therefore be retained. 

ἐκ τοῦ παρεληλυθότος χρόνου, inde a tempore superiore et per 
illud. RuxpicEer. Phil. II. § 5, τὸ χείριστον ἐν τοῖς παρε- 
ληλυθόσι. Some regard the expression as adverbial, like 


&0 PHATE PEC .L. 


the phrases ἐκ νυχτός instead of ἐν, τυχτί; ἐκ παλαίου, olim; 
ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα, etc. VicER. p. 598. The phrase occurs 
again below. . The preposition ἐκ has the double sense of 
since, and of continuing within a space of time. Cf. BreRn- 
HARDY Gr. Syntax, p. 226. 

§ 2. οὐδ᾽, ne quidem. VicER. p. 466. Cf. Olynth. I. 
§ 11, οὐδ᾽ εἰ συνέβη. 

Ὃ yao... . βέλτιστον ὑπάρχει. The sense is, The worst cir- 
cumstance in our past experience affords the best ground 
of hope for the future ; that is, the correction of our errors 
will be the surest guide to better fortunes. Similarly Lorn 
Bacon, Nov. Organ. I. Aph. 94; ‘* Sequitur ratio omnium 
maxima ad faciendam spem, nempe ex erroribus temporis 
preteriti et viarum adhuc tentatarum. Sed cum rerum 
‘vestrarum status non a vi ipsa rerum sed ab erroribus ves- 
‘tris male se habeat; sperandum est, illis erroribus missis 
aut correctis, magnam rerum in melius mutationem fieri 
posse.” Also Luccuestni (Annotationes Historica, Rome, 
1712), praising our orator’s delicate skill in combining 
encouragement with censure, remarks that nothing so much 
arouses those who are embarrassed and discouraged: as to 
show that they have fallen into misfortune by their own 
fault, and that the remedy lies in their own power. How 
much cause the Athenians had for alarm is described below, 
§ 4. The pronoun αὐτῶν is to be referred to πράγμασιν. 

ὅτι οὐδὲν, κ. τ. λ.. is the answer to the question. Concerning _ 
the force of the oratorical question and answer, see (το. de 
Orat. 111. 54. 207. Construe in this order: ὅτι τὰ πράγ- 
ματα κακῶς ἔχει, ὦ ἄνδρες ‘AOnvaioi, ὑμῶν ποιούντων οὐδὲν τῶν 
δεόντων. The part. ποιούντων denotes the cause and may 
be rendered: on account of your doing nothing, &c. 

Ἐπεί τοι, nam profecto, denn wahrhaftig. ViGER. p. 785. 
πραττόντων, SC. ὑμῶν. 

8 ὃ. Ἔπειτα corresponds to πρῶτον μὲν. 

ἐγθυμητέον, sc. ὑμῖν. The verbal joined with the dative 
of the person. Marru. Gr. § 447, Obs. 4. VoEMEL: 


NOTES. 81 


«ς Deinde considerare vos oportet et juniores, qui ab aliis 
audivistis, et seniores, qui ipsi nostis in memoriam revocan- 
tes. 

ἐξ ov χρόνος οὐ πολύς, sc. ἐστι. Es ist noch nicht lange 
her. Franz. Isoc. πρὸς Φίλιππον, Ρ- 838, ed AuGER, 
οὗτοι [ οἱ “Τακεδαιμόνιοι) μὲν γὰρ ἄρχοντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οὐ 
πολὺς χρόνος ἐξ οὗ, καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν εἰς 
τοσαύτην μεταβολὴν ἦλθον. Prat. Rep. V., οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ἐξ 
ov. THuc.I.6. The substantive verb is everywhere omitted, 
and these expressions assume the force of adverbial phrases. 
In this passage, render, not long ago. 


39 


ὡς χαλῶς χαὶ προσηκόντως, %. τ. }.. “ quam preclare et de- 
core nihil urbe indignum admiseritis, sed pro defensione 
juris bellum contra illos sustinueritis.’ H.Wotrr. The 
Lacedeemonians reached the height of their power about 
the first year of the 100th Olympiad, B. C. 376, when, at 
the close of the successful war with the Olynthians, they 
became the masters of all Greece. WiuniEwskI, p. 28. 
From this time, however, their fortunes began to decline, 
through the alienation produced by their odious exercise of 
power upon their allies. During the whole time of their 
supremacy, indeed, their conduct had been marked by over- 
bearing insolence and insatiable ambition (φύσει φιλαρχοῦντες 
καὶ πολεμικοὶ ταῖς αἱρέσεσιν ὄντες, Dron. 8510.), which had 
several times excited to resistance and open war. In these 
conflicts, as well as in the Boeotian war, which arose in the 
third year of the 100th Olympiad, B. C. 378, in conse- 
quence of the unjust seizure of the citadel of Thebes by 
the Lacedzemonians, and their barbarities towards the Beo- 
tian cities, the Athenians had borne an important part, and 
inflicted many heavy losses upon them. This was particu- 
larly the case at the battle of Naxos (4th year of the 100th 
Olymp.), in which the Spartans were totally routed, and 
their naval power annihilated, by the Athenians under 
Chabrias. See Jacons, Anm. p. 146. In the peace which 
was effected not long after, through the mediation of the 

ge 


82 PRU Pee i 


king of Persia, the Grecian cities recovered their indepen- 
dence. Xen. Hellen. VI. 3. 18. WuINIEWSKI, p. 25. 
Demosthenes could therefore maintain with truth that 
Athens had taken a stand against the encroachments of 
Lacedeemon from a love of justice and a disinterested care 
for the liberties of Greece. Cf. Phil. 111. § 24. These 
events had probably occurred within the memory of many 
of his hearers. ς 

iy” εἰδῆτε... . καὶ θεάσησθε, in order that you may know 
and see, as it were with your eyes. Demosthenes is very 
fond of coupling together synonymes of this sort, by a 
species of rhetorical amplification, particularly words con- 
veying the notion of knowing, considering, judging, and in 
general such words as signify an operation of the mind. 
Olynth. 11. 6, θεωρῶν καὶ σχοπῶν. Olynth. 1. 14, ἵνα γνῶτε 
.... καὶ αἰσθησθε. Or. de Cherson. § 18, "Ao ὁρᾶτε καὶ 
λογίζεσθε, x. τ. 4. Cf. ScHarFER, App. crit. ad Dem. p. 
321. 

οὔτ᾽, ἂν ὀλιγωρῆτε, κι τ. 2. Nor, if you neglect it, will 
anything turn out as you wish. The optative βούλοισθε, in- 
stead of the subjunctive βούλησθε of BeEK., vulg. βούλεσθε 
VorEMEL, in his first ed., 1829, βούλησθε ; but recently, Paris 
ed., 1848, he has adopted the optative. 

παραδείγμασι χρώμενοι. Isoc. in Archidam. p. 88, ed. Au- 
GER, πολλοῖς ἄν τις παραδείγμασι χρήσαιτο. 

τούτου, i. 6. Philip. ΒΑΌΡΡΕ proposes ὕβρει τῇ τούτου. 

ὧν ἐχρῆν. The full form would be τούτων ὧν φροντίζειν 
ἐχρῆν. — ἐκ denotes the cause, and is thus rendered by H. 
Wor: quia nihil eorum, que curanda erant, curavimus. 

§ 4. «πλήθος: tyg.... δυνάμεως. At the battle with Ono- 
marchus, in Thessaly, the year before this oration was de- 
livered, Philip commanded more than 20,000 foot, and 3,000 
Thessalian horse beside his fleet. VoEMEL. 

Pydna, situated in the eastern part of Macedonia, near 
the coast of the Sinus ‘I‘hermaicus, was, in the time of the 
Peloponnesian war, under the sway of Macedonia, THUve. 





NOTES. 83 


I. 61. Revolting to the Athenians; it was again reduced 
to obedience by Archelaus, king of Macedon, in the third 
year of the 92d Olympiad, B. C. 410. It was afterwards 
taken by Conon, or, as some say, Timotheos, the son of 
Conon, and remained in the hands of the Athenians. till 
occupied by Philip, in the third year of the 105th Olympiad, 
B. C. 358. Luccnersin1, Annot. Hist. pp. 241 -- 244. 
WINIEWSKI, p. 41, seqq. 

' Potidea was situated sixty stadia nee Olynthus, on the 
isthmus of Pallene; it was originally a colony of the Corin- 
thians, but in the Peloponnesian war it was a tributary of 
Athens. According to Plutarch it was reduced and taken 
by Philip the year in which Alexander the Great. was born, 
in the first year of the 106th Olympiad, B. C. 356. Wz4- 
NIEWSKI, p. 498. 

Methone was conquered some time after the cities just 
mentioned, viz. in the fourth year of the 106th Olympiad, 
B. Ο. 353. It lay at the extreme end of the Bay of 
Thermes, on the borders of Macedonia, and stood in alliance 
with Athens. It was during this siege, which lasted about 
a year, that Philip lost an eye, struck by an arrow from the 
beleaguered city. Drop. Sic. XVB 34. LuccHesin1, p. 
245. WAINIEWSKI, p. 47. 

οἰχεῖον, when used in connection with ἔχειν expresses an 
intimate relation existing between the parties in question. 

χύχλῳ to be joined with τόπον : and that whole region 
around. 

πολλὰ τῶν... .. ἐθνῶν, viz. the Thessalians, Illyrians, Pzo- 
nians, and other nations of Macedonia’and Thrace. Cf. 
Olynth. I. 23. ᾿ 

μετ᾽ ἐχείνου νῦν ὄντων. Εἶναι μετά τινος, a partibus alicu- 
jus stare, facerécum aliquo domi bellique. Sauprr. Mit 
einem und seiner Partei sein. BERNu. Gr. Synt. p. 254. 

"zen. The attic prose-writers carefully avoided the 
Tonic form of this pronoun, zeivog, and wrote either éxeivog 
or ‘xsivog. See ScHNEIDER ad Plat. Civ. 1. p.154. Drn- 
porF, Pref. ad Dem. p. iii. 


84 PHIL Pays. 


§ 5. ἐπιτειχίσματα τῆς αὑτοῦ χώρας. Die Bollwerke seines 
Landes. Jacoss. The expression τῆς αὐτοῦ χώρας is 
equivalent to ἐπὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ χώραν. Strongholds from which 
they might make inroads into Macedonia. A similar instance 
of this objective specres of genitive is found in DemosrH. 
-Orat. pro Lib. Rhod., τῆς δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιτείχισμα πρὸς τὸ 
μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν παρακινεῖν, sed sui regni velut arcem esse, ne quid 
novi ea moliatur., Wour. Also Or. de Cor. § 71; de 
Cherson. § 66, κατασχευάζοντος ὑμῖν ἐπιτείχισμα τὴν Εὔβοιαν ; 
and cf. HaARPOCRAT. Ss. VY. 

ἔρημον ὄντα (sc. Didunmor). These accusatives are to be 
joined with πολεμεῖν. 

abla... κεῖμεν᾽ ἐν μέσῳ. A metaphor taken from the 
palzestra, where the prizes to be contended for were exhibit- 
ed. So Heron. VIII. 26,6 τι τὸ ἄεθλον ety σφι κείμενον, 
περὶ ὅτου ἀγωνίζονται. XEN. Cyr. 11. 8, τὰ τῶν ἡττωμένων 
ἀγαθὰ πάντα τοῖς νικῶσιν ἀεὶ ἀθλα προχεῖται. This may 
have given rise to our proverb, To the victor belong the 
spoils of the vanquished. 7 

φύσει δ᾽ ὑπάρχει. Wor: et naturam ita ferre, ut opibus 
absentium presentis et qui laborare periclitarique velint pos- 
sessionibus negligentium potiantur. 

§ 6. Καὶ γάρ τοι. Etenim sane, etenim profecto. VIGER. 
p. 531. ἢ 

τὰ μὲν... «. τὰ δὲ, SC. χωρία. 

προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν. This expression sometimes, as in this 
instance, signifies, to take sides with one, to espouse one’s 
cause. Olynth. 11. § 18, εἴπερ τις ὑμῖν προσέξει τὸν νοῦν. 
Tuc. II. 11, uses this verb with τὴν γνώμην. Sometimes 
it is found with neither. Phil. III]. § 20. Jacoss: denn 
jedermann neigt sich zum Bunde mit dem hin, der inmer 
bereit und gerustet ist, das was geschehen muss, zu thun. A 
similar sentiment is found in XEN. Laced. Repub. IX. 2, 
καὶ γὰρ συμμαχεῖν πως πάντες τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς βούλονται. | 

§ 7. ἐπὶ τῆς τοιαύτης γενέσθαι γνώμης, to embrace such an 
opinion. Quoted by VIGER. p. 228, in ea opinione versari. 





‘ NOTES. 85 


ἐπειδήπερ docs not differ in use from ἐπείτερ, and is said 
of something certain and undeniable. 

ov δεῖ καὶ δύναιτ᾽ ἂν, where he ought and can make him- 
self useful to the city. An unusual connection of an imper- 
sonal with a personal verb. It is true that the active voice 
was sometimes used personally, especially by later writers, 
but always in the sense of to want, to lack. Dem. contr. 
Aristocr. § 136, ὀλίγου δέω λέγειν. Observe also the differ- 
ence in the mood, concerning which Bremr well observes: 
Illud in indicativo, hoc in optativo, quoniam quod est offci- 
um certum est et frum, ea aulem que fiert possunt incerta et 
vie constituenda. 

εἰρωνείαν, evasion, tergiversation. Many persons, who 
lacked the will to serve their country, pretended they had 
not the means, and sought to shift their duties upon others. 
Schol. ed. RetsKe, p..44. 

πράττειν is employed in the general sense to act, but em- 
phatically, in opposition to the want of energy and public 
spirit which our orator so frequently castigates. He pro- 
ceeds to explain his meaning more particularly, viz. that the 
wealthy should hold theniselves in readiness to contribute, 
and the able-bodied to enter the service. 

Εἰσφέρειν χρήματα, εἰσφέρειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, are political 
expressions, signifying the payment of an extraordinary tax 
on property to cover a deficit in the public treasury. The 
εἰσφορά was rarely levied except in cases of serious embar- 
rassment, either to raise money for the payment of soldiers, 
or to replace the sums spent in war which had been taken 
from the ordinary government fund, which was supplied 
from the regular revenue. The εἰσφορά was paid by every 
person without distinction, according to the assessment of 
his property. Borcxn, Staatshaushalt. d. Ath. 1. 481, and 
ll. 4. F. A. Wotr, Proleg. ad Lept. ». 94. WacusmutH, 
Gr. Antiq. II. p. 196. Scnorm. de Comit. Ath. p. 290. 

ὁ δ᾽ ἐν ἡλικίᾳ, that is, στρατεύσιμος. or μάχιμος ἡλικίᾳ Not 
youth, as this word generally signifies, but the age during 


86 PHERGIPPEC I. 
Ν 

which the Athenians were liable to military service, which 
reached from the twentieth to the sixtieth year. After this 
aman was said to be ὑπὲρ τὸν χατάλογον, or ἔξω τῆς ἡλικίας, 
past the military age. ‘The citizens were enrolled in their 
eighteenth year, but for two years they served as a standing 
guard in the country, and were called περίπολοι. Lxssine, 
Leben d. Sophocles. Vormert ad Olynth. 111. 4. Cf. infra, 
§ 21. 

συνελόντι δ᾽ ἁπλῶς. sc. εἰπεῖν, in short. HEsycuius, ovr- 
τόμως. ScHAEF.: ut breviter et simpliciter dicam. Vulg. 
εἰπεῖν, Which BEKKER retained in his first edition, 1816, but 
afterwards rejected as a gloss. KruEGER and RUEDIGER 
prefer to omit ἁπλῶς. 

ὑμῶν αὐτῶν. ... γενέσθαι, to become your own masters, in- 
dependent. See Viger. p. 290. 

αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν ἕκαστος .... πλησίον. The order of con- 
struction is, ἕκαστος ἐλπίζων αὐτὸς μὲν ποιήσειν οὐδὲν, τὸν δὲ 
πλησίον πράξειν πάνθ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ. The accusative πλησίον is 
used because the subject is changed. —vméo αὐτοῦ : I prefer 
the reflexive pronoun instead of the vulg. αὐτοῦ (retained 
by Bex. and Vorm.), for Demosthenes is speaking of the 
thoughts of his dilatory hearers. This reading is also sup- 
ported by a similar passage in Phil. III. § 73, αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ 
αὑτῶν ἀναγχαῖον ἐθέλοντας ποιεῖν. 

καὶ τὰ ὑμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν κομιεῖσθε, you will both recover your 
own, viz. Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidea, &c. 

τὰ zatecocOvunuera, i. 6. the influence and power lost 
through neglect, διὰ ῥᾳθυμίας προειμένα ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν. Wor. 
Cf. WacusmutTH, Gr. Antiq. Vol. I. Part II. p. 354. 

§ 8. πεπηγέναι. 2d perf. act. inf. of πήγνυμι, used likea 
passive, fix, confirm. 

ἀθάνατα. Per prolepsin additum : μέ eterna sint. FRANKE. 
The sense is, For do not suppose that Philip’s present power 
is secured to him for ever as to a god; on the contrary, he 
is hated, and dreaded, and envied, even by some of those (se. 
allies) who appear now to be on the most friendly terms with 
him. 





NOTES. ; 87 


ὅσα περ. The suffix περ, like our ever, serves to extend 
the idea indefinitely. The orator reasons from the general 
principals of human nature, that Philip’s allies are actuated 
by the same feelings and passions as other men. ScHAEF. 
prefers to read ο͵ἷστισιν, instead of τισίν. ἔνι is for ἔνεστι. 

πάντα ταῦτα. The neuter is sometimes employed in ref- 
erence to persons; in such cases, however, individuals are 
not so much considered as their general character and con- 
dition. Thus, XEN. (Econ. 6. 13, after mentioning several 
classes of artists, τέχτονας, χαλχέας, 4.7. 2., has τὰ ἄλλα τὰ 
τοιαῦτα. Cf. THuc. 1.18. Bernuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 281. 

ἀποστροφὴν. Harpocration explains by χαταφυγήν. Tuc. 
VIII. 75, ἀποστροφὴν σωτηρίας. 

89. of ....doedyetug. Adverbs of degree, like those of 
place, govern the genitive. Cf. Dum. in Mid. § 17, οὐδ᾽ 
ἐνταῦθ᾽ ἔστη τῆς ὕβρεως. Soru. Ged. Tyr. 367, ὁρᾶν, ἵν᾽ εἶ 
χκαχοῦ. Render, For you see, O men of Athens, to what an 
extent of insolence the man has gone, etc. 

μένειν ἐπὶ τούτων. The expression μένειν ἐπί τινος signifies, 
to be satisfied with something and to go no farther. In Or. 
de Cherson. § 47, μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὑτοῦ means, to remain upon 
his own territory. Cf. Or. de Corona, ὃ 807. Wo.r: 
sed minitatur et verba superba, ut aiunt, usurpat et non potest 
vis habendis, que subegit, contentus esse, sed semper plura 
molitur, et circum undique nos cunctantes et desidentes irretit. 

προσπεριβάλλεται, er greift immer weiter um sich. Jacoss. 

περιστοιχίζεται. © A metaphor drawn from the chase. The 
hunters, says Harpocrat., were accustomed to plant wood- 
en posts (στίχους στοίχους) around the haunts of wild beasts 
at the points of egress, to which they attached nets, so that 
if the animals escaped their weapons they might fall into 
the snare. 

8. 10. ἐπειδὰν τί γένηται; Lit. when what has happened 2 
Haec verba ita explico: ἐπειδὰν γένηταί τι - τί δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστιν; 
has duas enuntiationes in unam conglutinavit orator. Krue- 
GER affert Puar. Alcib. I. 8, ὅταν οὖν περὶ τίνος βουλεύωνται © 


% 


88 


' 


; PHILIPPE 1. 


Nov δὲ τί... .. ἡγεῖσθαι; RutsKe supplics εἰ μὴ ἀνάγκην, 
i.e. What are we to think of those things which are now 
occurring [if not as matters of necessity | ? 

τοῖς ἐλευθέροις. So also Dum. Or. de Chers. § 51, ὅτι 
ἐστὶν ἐλευθέρῳ μὲν ἀνθρώπῳ μεγίστη ἀνάγκη ἡ ὑπὲρ TOY γιγνομέ- 
γῶν αἰσχύνη . . « - δούλῳ δὲ πληγαὶ καὶ ὁ τοῦ σώματος αἰχισμός. 

εἰπέ wot. The rhetorical use of the singular instead of 
the plural originated in the Grecian peculiarity of contem- 
plating the multitude as a single person. The form is one 
of earnest exhortation, and greatly heightens the force of 
the question. See BeERNHARDY, Gr. Synt. p. 419. Schol. 
p. 45, δέον εἰπεῖν, simure. € 

περιιόντες, viz. in the forum. 

αὑτῶν. Lonatn. de Subl.c. 18, quoting this passage, 
has ἀλλήλων, which is a gloss. The older editions have κατὰ 
τὴν ἀγοράν after πυνθάνεσθαι, which Bex. incloses in brackets. 
Cod. Σ᾽ has these words in the margin. The idle curiosity 
which our orator here ridicules is mentioned in the Acts of 
the Apostles, xvii. 21. ‘* For all the Athenians and strangers 
which were there spent their time in nothing else, but either 
to tell or to hear some new thing.” 

γένοιχο yao. γάρ is frequently used in questions, where 
there is nothing in the sense of therefore, igitur, denoting 
the reason, in the preceding or following words to which it 
may be referred. Hrrmann contends, (AristopH. Nub. 
v. 192), that this is not necessary, for every question is of 
such a nature that it may admit of γάρ in the same manner 
as the Romans used nam, quisnam, ubinam, or nam quis, nam 
ubi, etc. In every question this can be understood; 1 am 
uncertain, or I wonder, or tell me; by which the cause or 
reason is indicated, and hence γάρ or nam properly follows 
in the question. Cf. Herm. 1.c. and Phil. III. 68. 

Mazedav ἀνὴρ. The Greeks regarded the Macedonians 
with great contempt, not only denying their claim to 
Grecian origin, but placing them in the lowest class of 
barbarians. Phil. 111. 881 Luccuesrnt pertinently re- 


NOTES 3 89 


marks: ‘“ Magna huic sententiz vis est atque ad excitandos 
animos potentissima; simul enim ante oculis ponit, qui 
dudum fuerit Macedonum status, quique Atheniensium. 
Macedones enim paucis ante annis, nempe anno |. Ol. CIV. 
cum Philippus regni habenas moderandas suscepit, pavidi, 
victi, sordidati; Athenienses imperio, dignitate, viribus 
florentes; adeo ut quinque aut sex annorum intervallo 
tantam fortune commutationem nemo sibi persuadere potu- 
isset.”’ 

διοικῶν. See Phil. II. 27. 

8. 11. ἀλλ᾽ ἀσθενεῖ. Demosthenes relates in Olynth. 111. 
§ 4 (held in Olymp. 107, 4), that while Philip was on his 
expedition to Thrace, the news came to Athens that he 
had besieged Hereeum (Ἡραῖον τεῖχος), an Athenian castle. 
Whereupon the people, after much blustering and confusion, 
voted to send a large force to its relief; but after a delay 
of several months, only ten empty vessels and five talents 
were despatched. For in the meantime a report had come 
that Philip was sick or dead, in consequence of which the 
Athenians, thinking that all danger was past, remanded the 
fleet. The orator, here, therefore, speaks of an event which 
had recently happened. Cf. Winitewsx1, Com. Hist. et 
Chron. de Cor. p. 62, and Bruckner, K. Philip. 57. Voe- 
MEL, however, refers this passage to the sickness caused by 
the wound which Philip had received at the siege of Me- 
thone. Cf. supra ad § 4; also Jacoss, Anm. IX. p. 149. 

τι πάθῃ. A softened expression for θάνῃ. similar to the 
Latin: δὲ quid humanitus acciderit, etc. VIGER. p. 278. 

ἄνπερ οὕτω. Siquidem sic; that is, if you should pay so- 
little attention to public affairs. 

ἐπηύξηται.. .. . ἡμετέραν ἀμέλειαν. In like manner, Dem. 
Olynth. III. § 28, says: ‘* Let any one come forward and 
tell me in what other way Philip has become powerful ex- 
cept through ourselves.”’ 

§ 12. Καίτοι καὶ τοῦτο. Likewise Or. de Cor. § 123, 


where .DissEn renders, etiam hoc dicam, afferam. ΒΟΈΟΚΗ : 
9 


90 PHILEPR Rie A. 


Und doch, auch dieses noch. This sentence is thus para- 
phrased by J. βαρ (Diss. ad Phil. I. p. 27) : quamquam 
hoc quoque eventurum esse ponam; si quid ille pateretur et 
fortuna, que semper melius quam nos ipst nobis consulit, a 
nostris partibus et hoc effecerit, scitote, etc. VoEMEL makes 
τοῦτο the object of the verb icf’, but erroneously ; for De- 
mosthenes uses this word absolutely also in Or. in Mid. 
§ 167, καὶ γὰρ αὖ τοῦτο. 

τὼ τῆς τύχης, instead of the simple ἡ τύχη. 

ἥπερ SC. ἐπιμελεῖται. 

τοῦτ᾽, i. 6. the death of Philip. 

πλησίον μὲν ὄντες. The sense is: If you should be at 
hand, ready to act when every thing is thrown into confusion 
(viz. by Philip’s death), you can manage as you please. 

av is evidently to be joined with διοικήσαισθε. 

τεταραγμένοις ἐπιστώντες. TOURREIL: a portée et en état 
de profiter des troubles que causeroit une pareille revolution. 

ἀπηρτημένοι. WourF and his followers interpreted this 
_ passage, Pendentes ab apparatibus et consiliis. The gram- 
marians understood the word ἀπερτημέγοι differently. HEsy- 
cHius, I. p. 450: μακρὰν ὄντες. PHavorinus, Lez. p. 
236: ἀπήρτημαι" τὸ Siotapa yerixy συντάσσεται, is con- 
strued with the genitive. Tuom. MaGistER: ἀποδιΐσταμαι, 
who says the word properly applied to. places separated by 
the sea. Finally, the Scholiast: χεχωρισμένοι (τῶν 'πραγμά- 
tov). Itis used in this sense of remoteness by Dionys. 
Haw., speaking of the sublimity of Demosthenes (ch. 
XXIL.): ἡμεῖς οἱ τοσοῦτον ἀπηρτημένοι τοὶς χρόνοις, We who 
are so dislant in point of time {from the hearers of Demos- 
thenes]. ‘The sense of this passage is: But as you are now 
situated, remote from affairs both in your preparations and 
counsels, you could not receive Amphipolis, even if circum- 
stances should place it within your reach. 

Amphipolis was a city of Macedonia, situated on the river 
Strymon, twenty-five stadia from its mouth, and near the 
boundary of Thrace. Its original name was Ἐννέα ὁδοί, 


NOTES. 91 


Nine- Roads i but Hagnon, who was sent thither with a 
body of Athenians in the time of Pericles, drove out the 
Edoni, who at that time possessed it, and gave it the name 
of Amphipolis (ἀμφί, πόλις), the reason of which, as related 
by Thucydides, LV. 102, was, that he had connected the two 
arms of the river Strymon, which surrounded the place on 
two sides, by a long wall, and thus completely separated 
the town from the adjoining country. The same historian 
relates, IV. 104, that, in the Peloponnesian war, he himself 
commanded a small fleet stationed at Thasos, an island half 
a day’s sail from Amphipolis, at the time this city was at- 
tacked by the Lacedieemonians under Brasidas. When the 
inhabitants in their distress, called upon him for assistance, 
he hastened thither with seven ships, but arrived too late 
to save them. ‘This was the cause of his banishment by 
the Athenians, who ascribed the loss of the city to his neg- 
lect or cowardice. Cf. GorLtER, Thuc. Vit. p.6. At the 
conclusion of peace between Athens and Sparta, Ol. 89. 3, 
B. C. 422, Amphipolis was ceded to the Athenians (Tuvuc. 
Υ. 18), from which time little is known concerning its his- 
tory till a short time before Philip’s succession to the throne 
~ of Macedonia, when it was the object of much contention 
between that country and Athens. To the latter it was 
very important, on account of its large exportation of ship- 
timber, and the very considerable revenue derived from it, 
as well as its strong position upon the river Strymon. 
Philip, not long after his accession to the throne, declared 
the city independent; but in Ol. 105. 3, B. C. 358, he laid 
violent siege to it, upon which the Amphipolitans sent an 
embassy to implore the aid of Athens. (Derm. Olynth. I. 
§ 8.) Philip, however, wrote a letter to the Athenians full 
of deceptive flattery, promising to restore Amphipolis to 
them as soon as he had conquered it, by which they were 
induced to refuseethe required assistance, and the city fell 
into the hands of Philip, who then refused to fulfil his 
promise. Another circumstance tended greatly to heighten 


92 PHT EEP RUE: T: 


the indignation of the Athenians; they had engaged to 
give up Pydna in exchange for Amphipolis, but Philip had 
manazed, by means of traitors, to get this city also into his 
power. The Athenians, finding themselves duped and de- 
frauded of their possessions, had no resource left but war, 
which from that time they carried on with various energy 
till the peace was concluded, Ol. 108. 2, B.C. 347. Wun1- 
EWSKI, Hist. Com. de Cor. p. 40 seq. WacusmutTH, Gr. 
Antiq. I. 2. 340. . Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristoc. § i116. Am- 
phipolis is now called by the Turks, Emboli ; by the Greeks, 
Christopolis. LuccHss. 

8.18. Ὡς μὲν, κι τ. Δ. The order is: ‘Qe μὲν οὖν δεῖ [ὑμᾶς] 
ἅπαντας ὑπάρχειν ἐθέλοντας ποιεῖν ἑτοίμως τὰ προσήκοντα. The 
participle with ὑπάρχειν is more forcible than the simple 
verb ἐθέλειν, and indicates a condition of greater duration. 
Cf. Or. de Cor. § 95, and the examples collected by DissEn, 
p- 258. 

wg. See Matru. Gr. Gr. § 568. 5. 

iy.... οἴομαι, which, I think, would deliver us from these 
difficulties. 

τὸ πλῆθος [sc. τῶν στρατευομένων] ὅσον Ϊ εἶναι δεῖ]. 

καὶ δὴ. Often used by Attic writers for dy, directly, im- 
mediately. Herm. ad ViceEr. p. 829. Dem. Orat. de Pac. 
§ 9, καὶ δὴ περὶ ὧν παρελήλυθα ἐρῶ. Cf. Xun. Cyr. IV. 4. 

δεηθεὶς ὑμῶν τοσοῦτον. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 6. 

811. μὴ πρότερον. Vulg. καὶ μὴ, which is retained by 
VormMEL. xzatis wanting in Cod. &. In direct negative 
opposition, the copula is often omitted, with great force. In 
this place, xa would decidedly weaken the prohibitive 
power of μή. 

καινὴν παρασχευὴν, A new mode of carrying on, the war. 
Luccuestni: Nec si cui primo aspectu novam bellici appa- 
ratus formam videar afferre, me rebus expediendis moram 
inducere estimatote. By avapaddew...—t& πράγματα, the 
orator means that his plan would not occasion any real delay 
in their operations, though, at first sight, it might appear 
so. Or. in Mid. 8 84, εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἀναβαλέσθαι. 





NOTES. ; 93 


ταχὺ καὶ τήμερον. These are the words of those who ad- 
vise to march against the enemy at once, without providing 
means for sustaining the war. 
εἰς δέον, to the purpose. In Orat. de Ord. Rep. § 4, we 
have παραναλίσκετε εἰς οὐδὲν δέον, you spend in vain. 
τὰ γ᾽ ἤδη γεγενημένα, x. τ. 2. The passage is forcibly ren- 
dered by Jacoss: Da wir das Geschehene durch die gegen- 
wartige Hulfe nicht mehr hindern kénnen. 
§ 15. ἀλλ᾽ os. The ellipsis is to be supplied thus: ἀλλ᾽ 
οὗτος μάλιστα εἰς δέον λέγει ὃς, %. τ. 2. 
ἐξ τίς respicit varia bellici apparatus genera, equitum, 
peditum, navium; πόση singularum partium numerum. 
πόθεν διαμεῖναι δυνήσεται spectat subsidia, quibus opus est 
ad alendas omnis generis copias.” BReEmMI. 
πεισθέντες denotes ageement to a peace satisfactory to 
both parties. 
tov λοιποῦ, in future. Herm. ad VicEr. 706. 
ταῦτα refers to the ways and means of maintaining a per- 
manent force. Wor: Me igitur hec posse dicere arbitror. 
ἔχειν in the sense of posse. 
§ 16. τριήρεις πεντήκοντα. This must have appeared a 
_very small number for a city possessing so large a naval 
power as Athens; for even in the time of our orator, it was 
able to furnish from three hundred to four hundred tri- 
remes. Borcku, Staatshaushalt. der Ath. Vol. I. p. 279, 
and Borcxu, Seewesen der Athener, p. 79. Cf. Or. de 
Class. § 20, ἀκούσεται δὲ τριαχοσίας αὐτούς ἡμᾶς νῦν παρασ- 
κευασμένους τριήρεις. He proposes, however, to equip but ἃ 
moderate number, because experience had taught him that, 
in the manner such preparations were conducted at Athens 
(ef. infra, § 37), the equipment of a larger fleet would be 
attended with many delays, and the burden could not be 
long sustained. The chief point was to obtain a standing 
force which should be ready to act in case of emergency ; 
he therefore prudently proposes a plan which was at least 
ὃ. 


94 PHILEPP SC I. ; 


feas'ble, if not as magnificent as those which tae people ~ 
Were accustomed to adopt. Cf. § 20. 

εἶτ᾽ aitods.... ἔχειν, in the second place, that you should 
be resolved to go on board yourselves, if it should be neces- 
sary. The construction οὕτω τὰς γνώμας ἔχειν is worthy of 
notice. The Attics used ἔχειν with the adverls swe, we, 
καλῶς, and the like, to express condition or disposition, 
joining it with the genitive; as, οὕτως ἔχω τῆς γνώμης, ejus 
sententi@ sum. Vie. Gr. Id. p. 248. Some critics regard 
τὰ: γνώμας, a° Doric genitive, as the true reading, instead 
of τῆς γνώμης ; but it is more probable that Demosthenes 
wrote τῆς γνώμης, and that the other is the correction of 
some copyist. ; 

αὐτοῖ.. Demosthenes demands that Athenian citizens 
shall themselves arm and take the field against Philip; for 
they had become averse to war, and therefore carried it 
on chiefly by means of mercenaries. Linan. Argum. Olynth. 
I. § 7: ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς στρατεύεσθαι καὶ μὴ διὰ ξένων, ὥσπερ 
εἰώθεσαν. Which custom, our orator’ repeatedly assures 
them, was ruinous to the public welfare. ταύτας, sc. τριήρεις. 

ἱππαγωγοὺς τριήρεις, vessels for the transportation of cav- 
alry ; sometimes called ἱππαγωγὰ πλοῖα or νῆες ἱππαγωγοί. 
Cf. Tuuc. 11. 56. — myoia, vessels for carrying provisions 
and other necessaries. Schol. 

8.17. Asi yao... . παραστῆσαι, For we must impress this 
upon his mind. Dem. de Cor. § 1, τοῦτο παραστῆσαι τοὺς 
θεοὺς ὑμῖν, dit faciant ut animo teneatis. Dissen. 

Πύλας, Thermopyle. After ὥσπερ supply ὠρμήσατε. 
“ΟἿ going through Trachin to Hellas,” says Herodotus, 
VII. 176, * the road is but half a plethrum [fifty feet] wide, 
yet the narrowest place is not there, but just in front and 
at the back of Thermopyle, where there is room for only 
one carriage. A steep and inaccessible mountain rises on 
the west side in the direction of CEta, but on the east of the 
road are the sea and the marshes. There are warm springs 
in the pass, and near them an altar erected to Hercules. 





NOTES. 95 


Across this entrance a wall had formerly been constructed 
with gates (πύλαι) by the Phocians.” Hence the name 
Θερμοπύλαι (θεσμαὶ πύλαι), i. e. Hot-Gates. This attempt 
on the part of Philip to enter the pass of Thermopyle, 
which the Athenians happily succeeded in preventing, took 
place about the end of Ol. 106. 4, B. C. 353, only a few 
months before this oration was delivered. Wu1NIEWSKI, p. 
51. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 32. The expedition sent to aid the 
Eubeeans against the Thebans, who were compelled to 
evacuate the island, took place in Ol. 105. 3, B.C. 358. Τί 
is often cited by Demosthenes, to show how much can be 
effected by decision and promptness. Orat. in Androt. 
§ 14; de Cor. § 99. 

ιφασιν εἰς ᾿Αλίαρτον. He speaks here of an event which 
happened before his birth. In Ol. 96. 2, B. C. 395, the 
Athenians marched to assist the Thebans against the Lace- 
dzemonians, who had invaded Beotia. At the battle which 
took place at MHaliartus, Lysander, the Lacedemonian 
general, fell. Χεν. Hellen. 111. 5, seq. ιν. p. 21. In 
comparison with that expedition, the one to Thermopylz is 
represented as recent (πρώη)). --- τὰ τελευταῖα denotes merely 
the termination of a series of dates without reference to the 
‘present time. 

§ 18. Οὔτοι παντελῶς, to be joined with εὐκαταφρόνητόν 
ἐστιν. He refers to the preparation above recommended. 
The sense is, It is of no slight consequence, even if you 
should not do this, viz. march against him. ἵν᾽ indicates 
the effect this policy would produce upon Philip, who would 
be led to do one of two things, either of which would be 
advantageous to Athens; for he would either keep quiet 
from fear, when he knew that the Athenians were prepared 
to meet him, or if, in contempt of so small a force, he should 
leave Macedonia unprotected, they would be able to take 
advantage of it. 

οἱ πάντ᾽ ἐξαγγελλοντες. There were many persons at Athens 
favoring the interests of Philip, and whom he had either won 


: 


96 PHILIPPIC I. 


by flattering attentions, or corrupted by presents. Among 
this number were Neoptolemus, Philocrates, Aristodemus, 
Phrynon, etc., through whom he received information of 
every thing that occurred there, and whose treachery was 
exposed at the conclusion of the peace in Ol. 108. 2. 

πλείους tov δέοντος, but too many. 

8.19. δεδόχθαι... καὶ παρεσχευάσθαι. Perfecta h. l. ad 
cunctationem tollendam et ad celeritatem urgendam, quippe 


quum necessitatem involvant, ut ἰδίας probata et instructa 


sint. Vormen. Cf. Or. de Cherson. ὃ ὃ. 

Πρὸ δὲ τούτων. Before the establishing of this regular 
army, which shall keep itself in readiness to repel Philip’s 
attacks, Demosthenes advises them to send another force to 
harass Philip and to keep him employed in Macedonia. 

μή μοι, understand λεγέτω tig or λέξῃς. μή μοι, per ellip- 
sin, followed by an accusative, is not unusual. LuccHESINI 
renders, by the indicative, Non mihi decem posco, non vig- 
ἐπεὶ mercenariorum militum. But the Greeks, particularly 
the Attic authors, joined μή prohibitive with the imperat. 
pres. or subjunct. aorist. Herm. ad ViceER. p. 809. 
Matrn. Gr. 511. 2. Bernuarpy, Gr. Synt. ἢ. 353. 
Demosthenes administers a powerful rebuke to the Atheni- 
ans for abandoning the interests of the commonwealth to 
the hands of foreigners. 

ἐπιστολιμαίους... .. δυνάμεις. Epistolary troops. This is 
explained by the unknown lexicographer in Bexx. Anecd. 
Ῥ. 258, τὰς é νἐπιστολαῖς γραφομένας μόνον δυνάμεις, ἔργῳ δὲ ἢ 
ἐν πολέμῳ μὴ θεωρουμένας. Cf. infra, § 80. The law which 
required each citizen to be enrolled, and, if called upon, to 
enter the public service, was no longer strictly observed. 
When there was a demand for soldiers to support their gen- 
erals or aid their allies, they voted to enlist a large number 
of mercenaries, and that, too, at a time when there was 
scarcely money enough in the treasury to defray the expenses 
of government. Borcxu, Staatsh. Vol. I. p. 291. These 
decrees were sent, with the announcement that the troops 


NOTES. 97 


would soon follow; but as no money was appropriated, 
little or nothing was effected. Or if, as was sometimes the 
case, they succeeded in raising troops on the credit of the 
state, they quartered them among their allies, who were 
oppressed and plundered by them without mercy. Cf. infra, 
§§ 43 and 45. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ appears to have had this passage 
in view when he says: Zehntausend, zwanzigtausend Séld- 
ner pflegten geschrieben zu stehen, aber es war eine papierne 
Macht, und ein leerer Volksbeshluss zog mit einem Feldherrn 
aus. Staatsh. I. 291. 

ἀλλ᾽ i τῆς πόλεως ἔσται. No little difference of opinion 
exists among commentators in regard to the meaning of 
these words. The opinion of ΒΕΙΒΚΕ and his followers, 
that an army composed of citizens (δύναμις moluitixy) is 
meant, does not agree with our orator’s words below (§ 21), 
where he proposes that three fourths of the troops shall be 
mercenaries. A similar view was taken by LuccHEsINI: 
copias dome-tica> reipublice e civibus conflatas ; and Tour- 
REIL: Je veux des troupes composées de citoyens. SAauPPE 
changes ἢ into 7, but ἀλλ᾽ ἢ, nist, is recognized as the cor- 
rect reading by Herm. ad VicEr. p. 812. These particles 
answer to the English but, except, as will appear from the 
following example: ἔστι δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ λόγοι τὰ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, 
Orat. de Cherson. § 73. Besides this, 1 have marked ἃ 
passage in Loneus. Lib. III., οὐκ ἐρῶν τυχεῖν ἀλλ᾽ ἢ τοῦ 
μαθεῖν, τίς ἐστιν ὁ λανθάνων μαθητής, not desiring to catch 
. her (sc. the echo) except for the purpose of discovering who 
was the concealed pupil. Also Xen. Anab. VII. § 53, and 
Id. Hellen. I. 7. 15. These particles are used only after a 
negative, which we have here in u7.... μηδὲ, instead of 
the more usual οὐχ. Cf. Tuuc. 1V. 85. KuEHNeER, Gr. 
322. 10; but τῆς πόλεως εἶναι, reipublice voluntati obsequi 
ejusque commodis servire. Sauppe. Cf. infr. § 27. From 
which it appears that all that was necessary to constitute 
the force τῆς πόλεως εἶναι was that its commanders should 
be native Athenians. Demosthenes adds this because not 


98 PAIZAP ET Pe... 


seldom the leaders as well as the troops were foreigners. 
Cf. § 27, note. The sense of the passage will thus be: talk 
not to me of mercenary troops, except they are to be under 
the control of the city, and whether you elect one or several, 
- this man or whomever else you please, as your commander, 
they shall follow and obey him. 

nav, and if, whether. 

§ 20. πῶς ταῦτ᾽ ἐθελήσει. The subject of the verb is ἡ δύ- 
vous ; ταῦτ᾽ refers to what is said above, τῆς πόλεως ἔσται 
....meloeto καὶ ἀκολουθήσει. The orator explains below, 
§ 23, in what manner the soldiers may be induced to act for 
the advantage of the city. BrxxKeEr has éGedjoere, referring 
ταῦτ᾽ to the words immediately preceding, τροφὴν ἕξει. 

καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τούτων, each of these. This is an abbrevia- 
tion of the formula, καθ᾽ ἕν ἕχαστον τούτων. We find the 
full expression in Or. de Corona, § 17, βούλομαι δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ 
ἕν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἐξετάσαι. Likewise in Or. in Mid. § 142, 
καθ᾽ ἕν᾽ ἕχαστον ἡμῶν ἀποστερεῖν. Also Olynth. 11. 24. 
Sometimes the distributive is omitted and the numeral re- 
tained; as, Phil. III. 22, xa’ Ha.... homodvteivy tov 
“Ελλήνων. 

Ξένους μὲν λέγω. By ξένοι the orator means not only 
foreigners, but mercenaries. Mavssacus ad Harpocrat. 
What follows as far as φαίνηται is parenthetical ; about to 
enter on the subject of a hired force, the speaker interrupts 
himself, to interpose a warning against the rock upon which 
they had so often split, that of adopting plans that were 
impracticable. 

καὶ ὅπως μὴ. Before ὅπως understand ὅρατε or oxentéor. 
Herm. ad ViceEr. p. 435. Cf. Or. de Class. 8 7. 

πάντ᾽... -τοῦ δέοντος, denn immer scheint euch Nichts 
gross genug. JACOBS. 

ἐπὶ τῷ πράττειν .... ποιεῖτε. "Eni cum dat. significat: 
aliquid juxta fieri aut esse. δῖ res eo devenerit ut eam per- 
ficiatis, nihil agitis. Rurpicer. You adopt the grandest 
projects in your decrees, but when it comes to action, i. 6. 





NOTES. 99 


carrying them out in practice, even little things you do 
not accomplish. Professor Borcku defines the difference 
between πράττειν and ποιεῖν to be the same as between 
the German wirken and machen; the former indicating 
action in general, whilst the latter is more employed in indi- 
vidual cases. 

§ 21. Ayo δὴ. I say, then, ete. The orator resumes, 
but instead of continuing on the subject of hired troops, as 
the commencement led his hearers to expect, he artfully 
passes to a general description of the army. 

στρατιώτας, the infantry, as distinguished from ep cavalry. 

ἐξ ἧς. The order is, ἐξ ἧς tog ἡλικίας ἂν ὑμῖν δοχῇ 
καλῶς ἔχειν. Cf. Olynth. II. 8 4, καὶ τοὺς μέχοι πέντε καὶ 
τεσσαράκοντα ἑτῶν αὐτοὺς ἐμβαίνειν. We have already ob- 
served (ad § 7), that the youth were enrolled on the military 
list at the age of eighteen, and for two years acted asa 
guard to the territory of Attica. On reaching the age of 
twenty, they »were registered among the citizens of their 
respective δῆμοι, and publicly, in the temple of Agraulos, 
took a solemn oath to obey and support the laws, and to 
serve their country faithfully, whether in the capacity of a 
soldier or that of a citizen. Ponnux, Onom. VIII. ὃ. 
WacusmutTH, Gr. Ant. I. 252. The whole’ disposable 
military power of Athens was accordingly divided into 
forty-two enrolments or classes (ἡλιχίαι), each of which was 
named after the Archon under whom it was registered. 
Whenever an expedition was resolved upon, the assembly 
determined the number and class of those to be sent. 

Athens had originally no soldiers except its own citizens. 
By the laws of Solon, every man was obliged to be regis- 
tered in the lists, from which a selection was made when a 
campaign was decreed. Luccuesini. No distinction of 
classes was made; the rich and poor, the noble and common 
man, stood upon a level in this respect. Even the philoso- 
phers, “‘ gravissimum quietumque mortalium genus ”’ (Luc.), 
donned the cuirass and helmet, and went forth to meet the 


100 PHISTPRIU. Lt. 


enemies of their country. Plato boasts of the prowess of his 
master Socrates (Apol. Soc.), and his own military exploits 
have their historian and panegyrist. (Ax. Var. VII.) 
Aischylus and Sophocles were both soldiers, the latter as- 
sociated in command with Pericles. (Lesstne, Leb. Soph.) 
Further, they were obliged to serve without compensation ; 
and a refusal to do military duty was attended with exclu- 
sion from civil rights. Pericles, however, considering it a 
hard thing for poor men to be withdrawn so long from their 
own affairs, without remuneration, introduced a law for 
allowing pay to the citizens while on duty. Uxnpian. But 
the strictness of ancient discipline had relaxed; the Athe- 
nians of Demosthenes’s time were an enervated and pleasure- 
loving people, shrinking from the fatigues of war, and de- 


manding to be amused at the expense of their highest and ~ 


dearest interests. He employs his eloquence, therefore, to 
-rouse them from this morbid indifference to the public wel- 
fare, and to restore, if possible, their former military spirit 
and usages. See Heeren, Pol. Hist. Anc. Greece, p. 211. 

ἐκ διαδοχῆς ἀλλήλοις, ut alii aliis succedant. AUGER. The 
dative is often joined with substantives which are derived 
from, or related to, verbs governing the dative; διαδέχεσθαι 


is of this class. See Marru. Gr. Gr. § 389. Xun. Cyr. 


I. 4, ἡ διαδοχὴ τῇ πρόσθεν φυλακῇ ἔρχεται ἐκ πόλεως. KRUE- 
GER ad Xun. Anab, I. 4. 2. 

ξέγους. ** On tratoit d’etranger dans la milice Athenienne 
tout homme né hors de lenciente d’Athénes. On distin- 
guait encore l’étranger d’avec le mercenaire. Le premier 
nom se donnait aux soldats que la republique empruntait de 
ses alliées, le second aux soldats que lon achetoit. La 
plupart de ceux-ci venoient de Crete abondante en excellens 
tireurs d’arc.” Tourreiu. That this distinction was fre- 
quently neglected, see WacusmutH, Gr. Antiq. I. 2. 310. 


ὥσπερ, instead of ὅνπερ; Cf. Or. de Cherson., ἥκῃ τὸν 


αὐτὸν τροπόν ὅνπερ ἐπ᾽ Ὥρεόν ; and Olynth. I. 15. 
§ 22. Εἶεν. Well, so far good; ἃ word often used by 
the Greeks in passing to another subject. 


᾿ 


' 





—- ns, 


NOTES. 191 


Ταχείας τριήρεις, ght-rigged vessels of war, used for 
purposes of escort. ‘The Scholiast quoted by RuEpicER 
to Tuuc. VIL. 43, explains, ταχεῖαι τριήρεις πρὸς τὴν ναυμα- 
χίαν ἐπιτήδειοι. 

ἐχείνου, i. 6. Philip. 

τριήρων is preferred by-ScHAEFER to the accent τριηρῶν. 
So SopHocies, Gr. § 47. 

ἀσφαλῶς. The two thousand whom Demosthenes pro- 
poses to send to harass Macedonia are intended to fight on 
land. Ten armed vessels are added to afford them protec- 
tion on their passage. 

τηλικαύτην, and infr. τοσαύτην, are used in a diminutive 
sense; for what reason I think so small a force is sufficient. 

ἀποχρῆν is the legitimate infinitive of ἀποχράω, which was 
originally a personal verb. The form ἀποχρῆναι is in use by 
good autht » Bremi. Attic form ἀποχρῆν, Ion. ἀποχοαρ 
F, A. Wore rejects the « subscript. Lit. Analect. II. 426: 
Vid. Bexx. Anec. p. 81. So the most learned editors of 
the present time, following the authority of ancient inscrip- 
tions. Cf. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, Corp. Inscripp. Grec. 2569, 2919. 

Β 23. Τοσαύτην, sc. ᾿ἀποχρὴῆν οἶμαι, has copias sufficere 
pute. AUGER. 
. ἔνι, instead of ἔνεστι. 

παραταξομένην, fut. mid. instead of pass. Matrn. Gr. 
§ 496. The meaning is, an organized force which can be 
opposed to Philip in open battle. 

λῃστεύειν, to carry on war as freebooters. 

τὴν πρώτην, at first. Cf. Bernuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 185. 

ὑπέρογκον, HWesycH. ὑπέρμετρον, said of something enor- 
mous or immoderate. This proposition of Demosthenes, to 
send a predatory force into Macedonia, was not approved of. 
Borcxu, Staatsth. der Ath. Vol. I. p. 304. 

πρότερόν ποτ᾽ .... ἐν Κορίνθῳ." The circumstances here 
alluded to occurred in Ol. 96. 2, Β. C. 395, in the so-called 
Corinthian war. Wu£niIEwSsKI, p. 22. Jacoss, Anm. By 


ScHNEIDER ad XEN. Hellen. ΤΥ. 4, VoEMEL, and Luc- 
10 


109 ‘of PHALTPPIC LI. 


CHESINI, they are assigned to Ol. 96. 8. During the ab- 
sence of Agesilaus in Asia, a confederacy was formed against 
the Lacedemonians by the Thebans, Corinthians, Athenians, 
Locrians, and others, who chose Corinth as their head- 
quarters, συνήδριον κοινὸν τῶν συμμάχων. . Diop. Sic. XIV. 
86. Cf. supr. § 17. 

ξενικὸν. Harpocration says that Conon first commanded 
the Athenians at Corinth. He was succeeded by Iphicrates 
and Chabrias. Mention is made of Polystratus in Or. adv. 
Lept. § 84. Iphicrates is ranked by historians among the 
first of the Grecian generals. Diodorus, Xenophon, and 
Corn. Nepos celebrate his exploits, and our orator, in the 
oration against Aristocrates, expatiates at length upon his 
talents and success. He was a man of low origin, and 
might truly be called the artificer of his own fortune. He 
was the son of a shoemaker, and won his way, by his energy 
and skill in military affairs, to the rank of commander. In 
this capacity he was enabled to render some material services 
to Cotis, king of Thrace, whose friendship he gained to such 
a degree that Cotis gave him his daughter in marriage and 
loaded him with presents and honors. He was not less es- 
teemed by the Athenians, who erected a brazen statue to 
his honor, granted him the freedom of the table in the Pry- 
taneum, and many other distinguished privileges and favors. 
Chabrias, the successor of Iphicrates in the command of the 
Athenian army at Corinth, acquired also great fame and 
honor by his achievements. He lost his life in the beginning 
of the Social War, while making an attack on the island of 
Chios, Ol. 105..3, B. C. 358... WintEwext, pi_35. —His 
body was conveyed to Athens and_ deposited in a magnifi- 
cent tomb, which was still to be seen in the time of Pausa- 
nius. LuccHEsInI, p. 265. Cf. WacusmuruH, Gr. Antigq. 
Vol. I. 2. p. 311. Tourrert ad A. l. 

ἄλλοι τινές, i. es Callias, Strabax, Philicrates. VorEm. 

§ 24. ἘΣ οὗ. Since, like the Lat. ew quo. 

οἱ δ᾽ ἐχθροὶ, x. τ. Δ. Demosthenes frequently alludes to the 





NOTES. 109 


rapid growth of Philip’s power. Allusion is no doubt also 

made to Thebes (cf. Or. de Pac. § 20 seq.), shir Rhodes, 
πον and other places. 

μείς Cove τοῦ δέοντος, stronger than is expedient. 

naoaxvwart’. The verb παραχύπτειν here signifies, to give 
a passing glance at, to treat slightly or negligently. 

πρὸς ᾿Αρτάβαζον. In Ol. 106. 1, B. C. 356, Chares was 
sent by the Athenians, with a large fleet, to reduce the 
rebellious Byzantians, Rhodians, and Chians to submission. 
It happened that, at the same time, Artabazus, a satrap of 
Persia, had revolted from the king; and being hard pressed, 
he offered large sums to Chares if he would come to his 
assistance. Chares, who saw here an opportunity of gaining 
money to pay his troops, forsook the business for which he 
had been sent, and proceeded to the aid of Artabazus, whom 


he thus freed from his difficulties, and from whom he re- 


eeived a large reward for his services. This action of Chares 
was at first approved by the Athenians, but afterwards, 
when they perceived the evil consequences likely to ensue, 
they construed it into an atrocious crime. For the incensed 
Persian monarch threatened to send three hundred armed 
vessels to assist the revolted islanders against Athens 
(Drop Sic.), which, terrified by the menace, immediately 
brought the war to a close, thus losing possession of Byzan- 
tium, Cos, Rhodes, and Chios. Jacoss ad Or.de Pac. § 25. 
WINIEWSKI, p. 35. Demosthenes, however, palliates the 
conduct of Chares, (cf. Or. de Fal. Legat. § 332), and 
throws the blame upon the soldiery, who were unmanage- 
able because they were not paid. 

πανταχοῖ μᾶλλον οἴχεται πλέοντα, any where else rather (than 
remain in your service). Photius explains πανταχοῖ : εἰς 
πάντα τόπον. οἴχεται with a participle is very frequent with 
Demosthenes: Or. de Cor. ἃ 40, ὥχετο ἐκείνους λαβών, er 
geht indem er sie wegreisst. Borcku, Lect. id. § 65. Cf. 
also Heron. IV. 144, οἴχεται πλέων. 

στρατηγὸς ἀκολουθεῖ. The unbridled license of an unpaid 


10: PHILIPPI sd. 


soldiery is thus forcibly described by Luccuestnr: ‘ Nihil 
ferocius, nihil indomitum magis exercitu stipendiis fraudato. 
-Respuit disciplinam, imperium non audit, omniaque sibi 
licere putat.” And ScHAEFER not inaptly quotes the excel- 
lent lines of Lucan ; 


‘** Nulla fides pietasque viris, qui castra sequuntur, 
Venalesque manus : ibi fas, ubi maxima merces.’’ 


Cf. WacusmutH, Gr. Antiq. I. 2. p. 311. To put the 
mutinous character of these troops in a still stronger light, 
Demosthenes artfully makes it appear as if they led on, and 
Chares was obliged to follow. 

§ 25. τὰς προφάσεις, subterfuges which they urged in 
excuse for their conduct. Cf. Olynth. II. § 27. 

ἀφελεῖν, SC. ὑμᾶς. 

ἐπόπτας, lit. inspectors, overseers, and in this way it is 
generally rendered. But the idea that Demosthenes ad- 
vised the Athenians to make soldiers the inspectors of their 
generals is so absurd, that we must suppose he used the 
word in a very modified sense, very probably in that of 
spectators, witnesses, as infr. § 47, μάρτυρας τῶν στρατηγου- 
μένων. The generals were accountable for their conduct, 
but as they commanded mercenaries only, they could make 
any report they chose without fear of contradiction. This 
afforded the widest field for peculation and falsehood. The 
remedy is to send a portion of the citizens with them, not 
in the capacity of the Lacedemonian ephori, to influence 
their movements, but simply as observers of their opera- 
tions. ; 

τῶν στρατηγουμένων, Eorum, que ab imperatore agantur. 





SauPPE. γέλως = γελοῖον, like ἀνάγκῃ for ἀναγκαῖον. 
(ιλίππῳ πολεμοῦμεν. JAcoss is of the opinion that these 
words are to be regarded as ironical, as neither the Mace- 
donians nor the Athenians had yet committed any over tacts 
of warfare. It was not Philip’s policy to make an open 





NOTES. 105 


declaration of war, and if that is to be regarded as the test, 
no war existed even when he offered to conclude a peace. In 
a question of this kind, facts are better than opinions. An 
indirect war had existed ever since the taking of Ampkipo- 
lis. (WuniEwsk1!, p. 40.) The history of the years im- 
mediately preceding this oration is marked bya continued 
series of hostile aggressions by Philip on the possessions 
of Athens. In the preceding year, Ol. 106. 4, B. C. 353, 
he had devastated the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, and 
carried off Athenian citizens into slavery. Soon after, he 
had seized the fleet lying at Gerestum, and the sacred tri- 
reme at Marathon. (Cf. infr. § 34.) He had taken Me- 
thone, which the Athenian fleet arrived too late to assist 
(8 35); but a few months previous, he had beseiged the 
Athenian fortress of Hereeum in Thrace. (Olynth. III. 4.) 
To these and many other places the Athenians rendered but 
“a weak and tardy assistance. 

8 26. ἐχειροτονεῖτε. The imperfect tense, when it denotes 
an action often repeated, may have the sense of the present. . 
It may be so rendered: Are you not accustomed to elect, etc. 
Vid. Marry. Gr. 8 503. These military officers being 
chosen annually, those then in office had been recently 
elected. The manner of electing was by raising the hand. 
Scuorm. de Com. Ath. pp. 251 and 313. The Athenians 
had two methods of voting; one by raising the hand (χειρο- 
τονεῖν), and the other by depositing black and white stones 
in a vase (ψηφίζεσθαι). The former was employed in the 
election of magistrates, military and civil, since in them 
personal qualifications were requisite ; the latter, in deciding 
weighty questions of peace and war, the equipment of ves- 
sels and armies, and the like. 

στρατηγοὺς. These were ten in number, and chosen an- 
nually. In former times, the usage had been that they all 
should go to war together, each taking the command in 
turn for one day (Hrropor. VI. 110); but in the age here 
treated of, they went singly or by twos and threes, one into 
10* 


106 ῬΉΤΟΡΟΣ 


one province and one into another, one commanding the 
naval, another the land forces as occasion required. ‘These 
ten generals, who were elected in time of peace as well as in 
war, one from each of the tribes, formed a college of magis- 
trates, whose jurisdiction extended over all matters relating 
to military and naval affairs ; it has been compared, and not 
without reason, to a ministry of war in modern states. It 
appears probable that each had his particular department in 
the administration ; at least, the titles of three of the regu- 
lar strategi are known to us: ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων or ὁπλιτῶν, ὁ 
ἐπὶ τῶν ἱππέων, and ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως. Their duties had 
become extremely numerous and burdensome, for a particu- 
lar enumeration of which, see Mrrer and ScHOEMANN’S 
Attischer Process, p. 106 seq. For any of them to take 
command of a warlike expedition, it was necessary that he 
should be specially elected by the assembly of the people 
(cf. § 19), and instances are related in which foreigners were 
appointed to the post of actual commander (cf. infr, note to 
Εν AGIAN. Var. Hist. XIN. ΟΣ. | 

ταξιάρχους. The taviarchs were next in dignity to the 
commanders. They also were elected annually, one from 
each tribe. They aided the commander in levying troops, 
each in his own tribe, and in war each commanded the infan- 
try of his tribe. ‘* Horum munus; ordines militares instru- 
ere, pedites in aciem ducere, itinera, et commeatus indicere,”’ 
LuccuHesini. Tourrert defines their office in the army as 
similar to that of a colonel in our times. — The phylarchs 
also were ten in number, and elected in the same manner. 
Their duties in the cavalry were the same as those of the 
taxiarchs in the infantry (ScHoEM. p. 315); they stood 
next in command to the two hipparchs, who commanded the 
cavalry of all the tribes, subordinate to the general. In the 
wretched system which now prevailed of carrying on war by 
means of foreigners, these had nothing to do but to figure 
in the processions at home, the mercenaries being led by their 
own officers. 


RODE . 107 


τὰς πομπὰς πέμπουσιν ὑμῖν, marshal processions for you. 
The Attics used the verb πέμπειν with χορούς, ἑορτάς, mounds, 
in-the sense of ἄγειν. Murtnexe, Menand. p. 166. ““ Equi- 
tum Atticorum non minus erat dies festos deorum pomparum 
splendore exornare, quam contra hostes pugnare.” C. F. 
Hero., de Equit. Att. p. 19. 
ἱεροποιῶν. The ἱεροποιοί presided over the ceremonies 
of the sacrifice. ‘These magistrates, ten in number, were 
chosen by lot (ἄρχοντες κληρωτοί). They had the care of 
the chief religious festivals at Athens, and ranked among the 
highest functionaries in dignity and importance. Beside 
these, there was another class of ἱεοοποιοί, mentioned by our 
orator, Or. adv. Mid. § 115, viz. the priests of the Eumen- 
ides (see Borcku, Staatsh. der Ath. Vol. I. p. 232), concer- 
ning whom Mavussacus ad Harpocrat. quotes the following 
from the Etymolog. Mag.: μὴ ἀγνοῶμεν ὅτι καὶ ἄλλοι εἰσὶν 
ἱεροποιοὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν τὸν ἀριθμὸν δέκα. p. 237. 
πλάττοντες τοὺς πηλίνους, puppet or doll-makers. πήλινοι 
were little images of clay (πηλός) that were exhibited for 
“sale in the market. SaupreE conjectures that they were of 
the same sort as those now called terra-cotta, still preserved 
in museums. Jacoss: Denn wie Puppenmacher fertigt ihr 
Taxviarchen und Phylarchen fur den Markt, nicht fur den 
Kreig. The market-place was the principal ground for the 
evolutions of festival processions. 
ΕἸ 27. yao. Cf. § 10, note. 
παρ᾽ ὑμῶν, from among you, viz. native Athenians. 
= οἰκείους. Vid. Bernuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 255. 
ἱππαρχον, x.t.2. Only one of the hipparchi could be absent 
from Athens at a time; the other was required to assist at 
the festivals and processions. The chief emphasis in this 
sentence belongs to οἰχείους. Demosthenes says that the 
officers of the army ought*to be native citizens, so that it 
might be truly the army of the city. See supr. § 19. 
ἵν᾽ ἦν. This part. is construed with the imp. ind. when 
the hypothesis upon which it rests is merely imaginary, but 
is not so in fact. BrErnuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 376. 


108 . PHIVILPPRGe. 


ὡς ἀληθῶς, how truly, indeed, ὡς thus strengthening the 
adverb. - 

εἰς... “ῆμνον. Lemnos (now Stalimene, Luccu.), a 
well-known island in the Algean Sea. The object of this 
voyage to Lemnos was, according to the explanation given 
by Saupps, to attend the annual festivities in that island : 
‘‘Insulam quotannis lustratam eosque dies magno et splen- 
dido apparatu celebratos esse narrat Philostratus, Heroic. 
XIX. 14, p. 700.” Thucydides, VII. 57, mentions that the 
Attic dialect and customs prevailed there, and it is not im- 
probable that such a feast was held as is above alluded to. 
WESTERMANN affirms on the authority of newly discovered 
fragments of Hyperides, that a hipparch was annually sent 
from Athens to Lemnos, as was the case to Delos, Delphi, 
and other sacred places. 

Μενέλαον. Harpocration informs us that Menelaus was 
the son of Amyntas and half-brother to Philip. According 
to Justin. VII. 4, Amyntas and Gygzea had three sons, 
Archelaus, Arideeus, and Menelaus, whom Philip persecuted 
with violent animosity, and» at length put to death. Cf. 


Sauppeadh.l. It appears that Menelaus commanded a 


division of the Athenian cavalry (Vatxsius, Annot. ad 
Harpocrat.), though not regularly elected by the Athe- 
nians. SCHAEFER, in Apparat. crit. ad Dem., says this could 
not be done: “* Ab Atheniensibus enim non poterat χειροτο- 
γεῖσθαι, nisi qui ipse esset Atheniensis. Menelaus ut 
peregrinus et ξεναγός non fuit χεχειροτονημένος.᾽" And WoLF: 
‘‘Imperatorem Atheniensium Atheniensem esse oportere.” 
But that the Athenians sometimes conferred the command 
on foreigners can be easily proved. An example of this was 
Charidemus of Oreos, very severely handled by Demos- 
thenes in Or. adv. Aristoc. Lipan. in Argum. Pu1ato, 
Ion. ed. Nirszcu. p. 45. It is probable that Menelaus 
received his appointment at second hand. —ovror, sc. in- 
σίαρχον. 

§ 28. περαίνω. BeKKeER in his first edition has zegave ; 
in the second, περαίνω, from Cod. &. 





NOTES. 109 


Χρήματα, nom. abs., announcing the subject about to be 
discussed. The words ἐστὶ pév.... Suv. ταύτῃ are simply 
explanatory ; I have therefore adopted the punctuation of 
ΒΕΚΚΕΒ. 

μικρόν τι πρός. So Or. adv. Androt. § 60, δραχμὰς 
ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ μαχρόν τι πρός. Cf. also Or. adv. Lept. 
§ 112. ‘* Herodotus uses prepositions as adverbs very fre- 
quently, the Atti¢ writers more seldom.’ Bremr.— The 
full amount is ninety-two talents per annum. 

τοσαῦθ᾽ ἕτερα, as much more, i. e. forty talents. . Demos- 
thenes allows, for the ships. ‘ : 40 

ἜΣΤΗ oot ° - ὙΠ. } 
βάν erset : : 12 





92 talents. 
BoreckH estimates the Attic talent of silver at 1375 Thaler, 
Conventionsgeld. (Staatsh. I. p. 16.) Hence, 92 talents 
=126,500 Thlr.; that is, $ 87,654.21. 
Ten ships each 20 mine per month, 12 m. 
10X 20X12 = 2400 = 40 
2000 foot each 10 dr. per month, 
2000 XK 10X12 = 240000 = 40 
200 horse each 30 dr. per month, 
200 30X12 = 72000 — 12 





92 

, Denominations of Attic Coins. 
1 talent = 60 mine = $ 974.2857. 

1 mina = 100 drachms = $ 16. 298. 

1 drachm =6 obolt = 16} cts. 

1-obolus == 8 chalci? = 2+, cts. 

1 chalets = 7 lepta = 33 mills. 

1 lepton = i mill. 


Our orator’s estimate, therefore, allows two oboli per day 
for each foot-soldier, or nearly 514 cents, and for each horse- 
man one drachm, a little over 16 cents. This was the 


110 PHIGLLEREE 1: 


minimum pay of the Athenian soldier. Thucydides (V. 47) 
makes mention of a treaty of alliance between the Atheni- 
ans, Mantineans, Elians, and others, in which it was stipu- 
lated that, under specified circumstances, the foot should 
“receive 3 oboli of Aigina and the horse a drachm of Aigina 
per day. The Aiginetan drachm was worth 10 Attic obolt. 
(ΒΟΒΟΚΗ, p. 17.) The maximum wages, inclusive of ra- 
tions, were 2 drachms for the foot, and double of this, some- 
times quadruple for the horse. Officers received double 
the pay of the soldier, the commander only four times as 
much. (ΒΘΕΟΘΚῊ, p. 131.) In order to form a proper es- 
timate of the real worth of money, it is necessary to know 
the prices of provisions and labor. All the necessaries of 
life were much cheaper in proportion than with us. An 
᾿ inn-keeper, for example, charged a traveller } of an obolus 
for a night’s entertainment, rarely more. A lamb cost from 
3 to 4 oboli; a common sized kid, 1 ebolus. In Solon’s time, 
a sheep sold for 1 drachm, a fine ox for 5, or about 81 cents 
eames p. 66). The soldier lived very tolerably on 2 or 

3 oboli a day, which was as much as an ordinar ᾿ laborer or 
mechanic could earn. 

§ 29. ἀφορμὴν εἶναι, If any one think that the providing 
of food for the soldiers is a small assistance, he mistakes. 
BEKKER omits eva, in which he is followed by RuEDIGER. 

προσποριεῖ. ‘This is the common reading, and supported 
by-all the best manuscripts. Render, The army itself will 
furnish the remainder from the war. Kuster (de Verbis 
Med. p. 35) contends that it should be προσποριεῖται ; and 
that the active in this sense is contrary to the use of Attic 
writers. He says: ‘ ITogifw est suppedito, preebeo aliis ; 
πορίζομαι. in medio, mihi reperio, paro, comparo vel conficio. 
Hine ergo apparet scribendum esse προσποριεῖται, ubi nunc 
legitur προσποριεῖ. Sensus enim est: ipsum exercitum reli- 
qua sibi comparaturam esse, ut recte Wolfius vertit.””. Brx- 
KER first edited προσποριεῖται, but afterwards restored the 
common reading. The active is used in the same manner 





ΩΝ 


NOTES. 111 


by the best authors, as SaupPE has shown by a variety of 


examples. 


Tfodev, sc. ἔσται. | 

§ 30. ΠΟΡΟΥ ATIOAEIZIS. It was customary for 
all documents, laws, &c., to be read by the secretary (yagu- 
ματεύς). tis probable that the paper here read was com- 
posed chiefly of numbers showing what proportion of the 
money would be required from the several tribes. The use 
of the plural here (iueig) suggests that he was assisted in 
drawing it up by other persons skilled in financial affairs. 

Dionysius oi Lialicarnassus (Epist. ad Amm. X.) says 
that Demosthenes, under the archon ‘Themistocles (Ol. 168. 
2, B.C. 347), delivered the sixth (fifth, Wotr) of his 
orations against Philip, concerning the protection of the 
islands and cities in the Hellespont, the commencement of 
which was: “4 μὲν ἡμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿4θηναῖοι, δεδυνήμεθα ev- 
ρεῖν ταῦτ᾽ ἔστι. This passage gave rise to an opinion, which 
has been adopted by many eminent scholars, that the First 
Philippic closed in this place, and that the remainder was 
the oration mentioned by Dionysius as the sixth Philippic. 
Of the modern critics who take this ground, | may men- 
tion Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. Vol. I. Lib. II. 26, Taylor, Le- 
land, Jacobs, and Wachsmuth, Antig. Gr. Vol. 11. p. 344, 
note. Those who contend for the unity of the oration as 
it now stands are Tourreil, Mounteney, Auger, A. G. Bek- 
ker, Bremi, Schaefer, Winiewski, p. 60, Boeckh (Lectures, 
Berlin, 1847). 

ἐπιχειροτονῆτε τὰς γνώμας. x.t.2. When you come to the 
adoption of measures, you will choose what you please. 
When the orators had finished the discussion, the authors 
of different measures drew up their psephisma, upon which 
the chief of the Proedri or the Epistates demanded the 
votes of the assembly. The expression γνώμας yerpotoreiy or 
ἐπιχειροτονεῖν was most usual, expressing the manner in 
which the vote was given, viz. by raising the hand. ScHOEM. 
de Comit. Ath. p. 123. 


\ 


112 PHILIPPIC I. 


χειροτονήσετε, vulg. χειροτονγήσατε, and so BEKK. The fut. 
is found in the Cod. 2. and suits the place better than the 
imperative. It is more modest and conciliating, and per- 
fectly in keeping with the custom of Demosthenes. Cf. Phil. 
ΤῊ: 710: 


ἐν τοῖς ψηφίσμασι, x. t.2. Cf. supr. § 19 seq. , 


§ δ΄. OP oes . βουλεύσασθαι. The particle ἄν with the inf 


is sometimes to be translated by the word likely. Cf. Phil. 


II. § 10. — τὸν τόπον τῆς χώρας, the nature and situation, or, 
as we say, the topography, of the country. ἸΔΊΟΥ writers 
used the word tomofecia in this sense. Drop. Src. I. 42, 
περὶ τῆς τοποθεσίας τῆς χώρας. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristo- 
crat. § 182. 
προλαμβάνων. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 314, upon which Drssen 
remarks: ‘‘ Verbum προλαβεῖν dicitur de commodis, qui 
quis preeoccupat, ut utatur in suum usum et contra alios.”’ 
᾿ς τοὺς ἐτησίας. The Etesian winds begin to blow about the 
12th of July, and continue for forty days, according to Ap- 
pollonius, or fifty, according to Timotheus. ‘They subside 
at night and commence again before sunrise; hence they 
are called by sailors the sleepy winds. Luccusrs. ‘Their 
direction from the northwest favored Philip in his ex- 


peditions against Greece, but made the sea almost unnavi- 


gable for those sailing to the north. WacusmutH, Gr. 
Antig. I. 1. p. 295 séq., and) 2. p. 3438. 

μὴ δυναίμεθα, x. τ. 2. This is said in regard to the calcu- 
lations of Philip. The sense is, He takes care to make his 
attacks at a time when he thinks we cannot arrive there. This 
is the only manner in which the μὴ would be correctly used. 
‘“‘ Optativus solus cogitationem rei, conjunctivus cum ὧν 
cogitationem et potentiam simul innuit. Zu einer Zeit in 
der wirvallem Anscheine nach dorthin nicht gelangen kénnen.” 
τ; Hep: 

§ 32. βοηθείαις. This word signifies troops hastily col- 
lected on a sudden emergency. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 47. 
AvceR: collectis raptim auviliis. Cf. Liv. 8.4. Latini 





: 





NOTES. 113 


Hernicique dare Quintio subitarips milites (ita tum repentina 
auxilia appellabant) jussi. 

ὑστεριοῦμεν yao ἁπάντων, we shall (as usual) come too late 
for every thing. ‘The time spent by the Athenians in 
raising and equipping troops was employed by Philip in 
action, so that by the time the Athenians arrived, the cities 
which they came to assist had already surrendered. ‘Yozegua, 
Att. form for ὑστερίσω. Cf. infr. 35. | 

Ὑπάρχει δ᾽ ὑμῖν. Ὑπάρχειν, to be at one’s service or com- 
mand, favere with the dat. AN. Anab. V. 6. 28, καὶ vmdo- ’ 
ξει ὑμῖν ἡ ἐμὴ πόλις, vobis etiam presto erit civitas mea. 
ViIGER. 908. 

χειμαδίῳ in apposition with “Ζήμνῳ, Θάσῳ, κ. τ. }., and 
governed by χρῆσθαι. Etymol. Mag. : χειμαδίῳ - τόπῳ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ 
ay τις δύναιτο χειμῶνος καθορμίσασθαι. 

τῇ δυνάμει, dat. of advantage. Render, It lies in your 
power to use, as winter-quarters for your troops, Lemnos, 
Sciathos, etc. The islands here named, together with Sco- 
pelos, Halonesos, Peparethos, and others lying around 
Thrace, were at that time in the possession of the Athe- 
nians. Borcxu; Slaatsch. 1. 447. Dtop. Sic. XV. 30. 

τὴν δ᾽ ὥραν χοῦ ἔτους, the summer season. Cf. Tuuc. II. 
52, ὥρᾳ ἔτους. Where some read ὥρᾳ θέρους, which signifies 
the same thing. ‘“ Nempe ἔτους ὥραν ἰδίως τὸ θέρος ᾿“ττιχοί, 
ut ait Herodian. p. 465, ubi v. Pearson-et Bast. Ep. Crit. 
p- 108. Est igitur estate.” GoELLER. Ὥραν is an acc. 
abs. denoting suitable time, as in Herod. II. 2, τὴν ὥραν 
ἐπαγινέειν σφίσι αἶγας. Marru. Gr. § 425. a. 

γενέσθαι with πρός c. dat. as here, is to approach, come to. 

καὶ TO... . ἀσφαλές, and when there is security from 
winds. VicER, Gr. Id. p. 59. 

ἔσται, sc. ἡ δύναμις, resumed from τῇ δυνάμει above. The 
sense of the passage is, And at the favorable season of the 
year, when it is easy to land, and there is no danger from 
the winds, the troops will-easily hover upon the very coast of 
Macedonia and the ports of its commercial cities. The ex- 

11 


114 PHL LEP Eel. 


pression εἶναι πρός with the dat. signifies to be employed on 
with the notion of activity. BieRNHarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 
263. 

§ 33. Ἢ μὲν οὖν χρήσεται, x. t. 2. What use their com- 
mander shall make of this force, and when, etc. Vid. Marrx. 
Gr.§ 419. Cf. Tuuc. II. 4 and 15, and IV. 69. 

maga τὸν καιρὸν, ipso momento, BREMI; i.e. at the right 
time, according to occasion and circumstances. 

ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἃ ἐγὼ γέγραφα, refers to the ΠΟΡΟΥ͂ 
ΑΙ ΠΟΔΕΙΞΙΣ; or plan for raising the money, which had 
been read. 

ἐντελῇ πᾶσαν τὴν δύναμιν, the whole force complete,. em- 
bracing in general terms what he had before specified. 

νόμῳ xataxdetoyr’, lege obstrinxeritis. AUGER. 

αὐτοὶ ταμίαι καὶ πορισταὶ y., yourselves becoming the treas- 
urers and receivers. Cf. Boxcxu, Staatsh. I. p. 176. De- 
mosthenes urges the Athenians to take the management of 
the funds into their own hands, and not to leave them any 
longer at the disposal of the commander; as the latter 
arrangement had been the occasion of much corruption and 
prevarication on the part of this officer, besides loading him 
with a multitude of duties almost ludicrous. ‘Qui non 
solum exercitui expeditionique preerat, sed quam plurimum 
idem rem pecuniariam et questuariam, frumentum, stipen- 
dium, omnemque Victum per questores, ministros, servos 
et scribas curabat.” Vor. 

τὸν λόγον, yet requiring from the general an account of 
his conduct. Every person at Athens who had a share in 
the administration, or held a public office, no matter how 
insignificant, was obliged to render an account of the man- 
ner in which he had discharged his duties. This was submitted 
to a board of aaditors called λογισταί or εὔθυνοι. BoEckn, 
Staatsh. I. p. 204. Until this was done, he could make no 
disposal of his property, either by will or presentation, no1 
was he allowed to travel or receive any public honor or re- 
ward. His entire fortune was regarded by the law as 


NOTES. 115 


pledged so long as he remained accountable. Id. p. 103. 
Cf. Or. de_Cherson. § 47. 

παύσεσϑ᾽., x. τ. Δ. Here the apodosis of the period begins: 
You will cease to deliberate always upon the same subjects. 

τῶν αὐτῶν, SC. πραγμάτων. 

8 84. πρὸς τούτῳ, besides, in addition to this. 

ἐκείνου, i. 6. Philip’s. 

ἀπὸ τῶν ὑμετέρων... . συμμάχων. That is, with revenues 
derived from your allies, by seizing and plundering their 
trading-vessels. The inhabitants of the islands and mari- 
time cities, who carried on extensive commerce upon the 
gegean and Euxine Seas, were mostly in alliance with 
Athens. 

ἄγων καὶ φέρων, plundering and destroying. The expres- 
sion ἄγειν χαὶ φέρειν answers precisely to the Latin ferre et 
agere. Liv. III. 37, Hi ferre, agere plebem plebisque res. 
Cf. also Vine. Ain. 11. 374, Alii rapiunt incensa feruntque 
Pergama. It is said both in regard to persons and things. 
Cf. Or. de Cor. § 230. Phil. 111. § 52. 

πλέοντας, mercaturam facientes. SAUPPE. 

τοῦ maoyew .... ἔξω γενήσεσθε, you will be placed beyond 
his ill treatment. So Lucian: TevéoGa ἔξω τοῦ φθονεῖσθαι, 
extra invidie aleam positum esse. ViIGER. p. 231. Said of 
those who stand beyond the reach of the enemy's weapons. 
Kruse. Xen. Anad. I. 7. 17. 

οὐχ ὥσπερ. The sense of this brachylogy is to be sup- 
plied from what follows: ΝΟΥ [will he do in future] as he 
has done in past times, viz. when landing upon, &c. 

χρόνον, acc. abs. used adverbially. VicEeR. p. 59. Jacozs: 
Er wird eure Mitbirger nicht mehr gefangen mit sich fort- 
~ schleppen wie er vormals that, als er in Lemnos und Imbros 
einfiel. BRUECKNER (Konig Philip, p. 110) avers that 
this attack was made by pirates in the service of Philip; 
but there is little room to doubt that he himself com- 
manded the troops that devastated these islands. A strong 
difference of opinion exists as to when these incursions 


116 PHILPR Perk, 


were made. LuccweEstni places them in Ol. 105. 3, B. C. 
358, not long after Philip had conquered Amphipolis, Pyd- 
na, Potideea, and the other maritime cities of Macedonia. 
But Philip did not finish the conquest of these cities till 
Ol. 106. 4, B. C. 353, in which year Wi1nrEwskI places the 
expedition against the islands of Lemnos and Imbros, and 
the attack upon the Athenian fleet at Gerestos, quoting in 
support of his argument the words of Auschines, Or. de 
Fal. Leg. p. 37, Φίλιππος δὲ ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ Μακεδονίας, οὐκέθ 
ὑπὲρ ᾿Ἰμφιπόλεως πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἠγωνίζετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη περὶ “ήμνου 
καὶ Ἴμβρου καὶ Σκύρου, τῶν ἡμετέρων κτημάτων. Wac- 
smMutH, however, (Gr. Antiq. II. p. 344), and those who 
receive this part as the sixth Philippic (cf. supra ad § 90), 
reckon itin ΟἹ. 108. 1, B.C. 348; Vormen, Ol. 106. 2, 
B. GC. 355, Proleg. ad Phil. I. et Olynth. Gereestos is the 
southern promontory and port of Euboea. — τὰ πλοῖα, mer- 
chant vessels. 

ἐξέλεξε. He exacted from his captives vast sums of money 
asayransom. SavuPPe. ; , 

ἱερὰν ..- -.- τριήρη. Asearly as the time of Plato (cf. Pha- 
don. init.), mention is made of the sacred vessel called the 
Delian Theoris, employed to convey the delegates of Athens 
to attend the quadrennial festival on the island of Delos. 
Being constantly kept in repair by replacing the decayed 
parts by new, it was still in existence in the time of Deme- 
trius’ thé Phalerian, Ol. 115..4,°B.> GC: #819.. -Boremn, 
Seewesen der Ath. p. 76. Another, which is the one 
here alluded to, was named the Paralos (ἡ Πάραλος). Cf. 
Harpocrat. 141, at the word ἱερὰ τριήρης. Both were 
employed for conveying embassies, public messages, money, 
etc., and sometimes as admiral-ships in naval battles. The 
Paralos was kept constantly in readiness and the crew 
received regular pay (four oboli per day), throughout the 
year, though they remained the chief part of the time in 
idleness at home (Borcku, Staatsh. I. p. 258), which was 
probably the cause of the surprise and capture of the vessel. 





NOTES. 117 


δύνασθε. ΒΕΚΚκ. ἠδύνασθε. The present is confirmed 
by the best manuscripts. It is also better suited to the 
context, for the orator shows that even now the Athenians 
are not in a condition to prevent these outrages. 

προθῆσθε. SCHAEFER edits προέλησθε, and LuccueEs. 
προέλοισθε. 

8 35. Καίτοι τί δή ποτε, Jam vero quid tandem. Rur- 
DIGER. 

Παναθηναίων ἑορτὴν. The Panathenea had their origin 
in the games instituted by Erichthonius, the fourth king 
of Athens, in honor of Minerva. Before the time of The- 
seus, this festival bore the name of Athena; but after the 
latter king had collected the inhabitants of Attica into one 
city, he gave it the name of Panathenza, because, as Pau- 
sanias says, it was celebrated by all the Athenians united. 
Cf. Harpocrat. s. voc. Πᾶαναθ. Wacusmutu, Gr. Antigq. 
I. 227. The Athenians celebrated two festivals of this 
name, the greater and the smaller Panathenzwa;— the 
smaller annually, and the greater once in four years, or, 
according to the Hellenic expression διὰ πενταετηρίδος, 
quinquennially, taking place regularly in the third year of 
each Olympiad, on the 28th day of the month Hecatom- 
beon. Borcxu, Staatsh. der Ath. II. 167. Beside the 
hecatomb which was purchased, large numbers of oxen were 
presented by the villages of Attica for the solemn sacrifice. 
The flesh of these was distributed among the people, and a 
magnificent feast prepared, upon which they regaled them- 
selves. The Panathenza was conducted with much the 
game ceremonies as the other Athenian festivals, — with 
horse, chariot, and foot-races, processions, games, contests, 
&c. It will be sufficient here to notice some of the more 
‘remarkable. The torch-race on horseback at night was 
introduced at Athens in the time of Socrates. The race 
was won by him who ran the swiftest and preserved his 
light burning. This was made of wax, and attached by a 
kind of holder to the shield of the rider. Bozcxu, Staatsh. 

11* 


118 PHILTP PIG. 


der Ath. I. 496. Anessential part of the ceremonies, and 
peculiar to the great Panathenza, was a grand procession, 
participated in by all the people, old and young, to convey 
to the Acropolis the peplos, or embroidered robe, which was 
made by virgins chosen for that purpose. The peplos is 
represented to have been a magnificent piece of tapestry, 
in the form of a sail representing subjects taken from Attic 
mythology, especially the battles of the gods and the ex- 
ploits of heroes; hence the expression of Aristophanes, 
ἄξιος tov πέπλου. It was attached to a ship moving on 
rollers, and after being thus drawn about for some time, it 
was at last carried by the chief sailors up to the temple of 
the goddess in the Acropolis. Wacusmuta, Gr. Antigq. I. 
p- 127. Pausan. 1.29. Schol. ad Hom. Il. 5.734. C.F. 
Hero. Gottesdienstl. Alterth. p. 273, § 54. The celebration 
was attended with great expense; the great Panathenza in 
Ol. 92. 8 cost the state more than six talents, or about 
5,865 dollars. Boxrckxu, Staatsh. der Ath. II. 165. 

τῶν Aworvoioy. The worship of Bacchus was introduced 
from Egypt into Greece by Melampus. Heronor. II. 49. 
Diop. Sic. I. 97. But see Scuoruiy, Histoire de la Litt. 
Gr. II..5. The festival of the Dionysia was originally 
quite rural in its character, being held in autumn at the 
close of the vintage, when the vine-dresser, in gratitude for 
such precious gifts, expressed his thanks to the power which 
produced them. The occasion was marked by wild mirth 
and wanton frolics, the people vieing with each other in 
ludicrous disguises and tricks, and in rude personal jests 
and mockery. ‘The extemporaneous plays and songs which 
formed a part of these rejoicings, gave rise to the dramatic 
and musical contests which afterwards reached such perfec- 
tion in Athens and other places. The festivals of Bacchus 
were four, and were celebrated at different seasons of the 
year: —I. The Country Dionysia, ta κατ᾽ ἀγροὺς Awricia, 
which was the feast of the vintage, and the oldest (WacH- 
sMUTH, Gr. Antigq. II. p. 254), took place in the month of 


rs 


NOTES. 119 


Poseidon, corresponding nearly with our December. Ii. 
The Lenea, ta “ήναια, the feast of the wine-pressing, held 
about the 20th of the month of Gameleon (24th January). 
11. The Anthesteria, ta ᾿Ανθεστήρια, feast of the wine- 
tasting, took place on the 11th, 12th, and 13th of the 
month Anthesterion, answering to the 15th, 16th, and17th 
of February. IV. The City Dionysia, ta ἀστικά, derived 
from the country Dionysia (Borcxu, Abh. Berl. Acad. der 
Wissenschaft., 1816, p. 117), was a general feast celebrated 
in Athens between the 8th and 15th of the month Elaphe- 
bolion, or about the vernal equinox. (C. F. Hermann, 
Gottesdienstl, Alterth. p. 307.) The wealth of the city and 
the favorable season of the year contributed to give it great 
splendor and importance. It was here that the simple song 
which was sung in the festive processions rose by degrees to 
the dignity of dramatic poetry, and Thespis’s introduction 
of a special actor, to fill up the pauses in the chorus, led 
the way to the grandest development known in the history 
of the human mind. For a particular description of this 
festival, see C. Ὁ. MuELLER’s Eumeniden, p. 109 seqq. 

τοῦ καθήκοντος χρόνου, at the proper time. For the gen. 
of the time at or in which any thing occurs, see Marru. 
Gr. 376. 2. 

ἄν τε.. .. ἄν τ᾽, sive....sive. ἄν for ἐάν. 

δεινοὶ λάχωσιν ἄν τ᾽ ἰδιῶται. WoxF explains δεινοὶ, persons 
acquainted with the management of festivals ; ἰδιῶται, those 
unskilled or inexperienced in such affairs. Lat. periti and 
imperitt. TOURREIL, correctly: n’importe ἃ qui le sort en 
ait commis le soin, gens entendu ou non. 

εἰς ἃ τοσαῦτ᾽ ἀναλίσχεται χρήματα. The reading of the 
Codex 2, which we have adopted in the text, clears this 
passage of all difficulty. ὄχλον καὶ παρασκευὴν depend on the 
verb ἔχει, to which the nom. ἃ is to be supplied. ὄχλος re- 
‘fers to the numerous officials employed at these festivities ; 
παρασχευή to the expensive scale in which these were got 
up. The following is the order of construction: εἰς ἃ τοσ- 


120 PHT LEP eee, 


αὔτ᾽ χρήματα ἀναλίσκεται ὅσα οὐδ᾽ [ ἀναλίσκεται] εἰς ἕνα τῶν 
ἀποστόλων, καὶ [ἃ] ἔχει τοσοῦτον ὄχλον καὶ παρασκευὴν, ὅσην 
οὐχ οἶδ᾽ εἴ τι τῶν ἁπάντων [eye]. — τῶν ἁπάντων is neut. pl. 
Quantum nescio an ullum omnium in se habeat. Voxm. 
The sense is, that more money is spent upon these festivals 
than upon any one thing whatever. The orator could not 
have intended to condemn these expenditures as unneces- 
sary, for the public festivals here alluded to were religious, 
being celebrated in honor of the tutelar divinities of the 
land. Thus the processions, music, and public shows, 
which formed an essential part of them, but which we are 
accustomed to regard as mere objects of amusement, re- 
ceived by this means a much more elevated character. 
They became duties enjoined by religion, which could not 
be neglected without injury to the honor, reputation, and 
even welfare of the city. Cf. Hzzrzen, Pol. Hist. of 
Greece, p. 171 seq. 

τοὺς δ᾽ ἀποστόλους. HARPOCRAT. says, ἀπόστολοι δ᾽ εἰσὶν 
κί τῶν νεῶν ἐχπομπαί. ‘The acc. is to be referred to νομίζετξ. 

ὑστερίζειν τῶν καιρῶν. Cf. supra, § 32, note. Also Or. 
de Cor. § 102, where DissENn: ὑστερίζειν τῶν καιρῶν est 
serius venire, opportunitate rerum gerendarum elapsa, cum 
. Classis post tempus exiret. ‘The best authors construe this 
verb with the gen. Lospeck ad Phryn. Ecl. p. 237: 
‘Yotegifew τῷ καιρῷ: ov λέγεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὑστερίζειν τοῦ καιροῦ, 
occasionem rei gerende pratermittere. It is joined with 
the dat. when a definite time is expressed. Hzrropor. VI. 
89, ὑστέρισαν μιῇ ἡμέρῃ. 

Ilayacag. Pagasa@, a city and seaport of the Pherzans on 
the coast of Thessaly, was subjugated by Philip in Ol. 106. 
4, B. C.. 349. Lucent... Annot]-diste pv 274.9 Rusmpad: 
Com. Hist. p. 211. Diodorus Sic. gives but a loose account 
of the taking of Methone and Pagasi; for in one place 
(XVI. 31) he mentions these events as occurring while 
Diotimus was archon at Athens, and in another (34), he 
places the surrender of Methone under the archonship of 








NOTES. 121 


_ Budemos, Ol. 106. 4. Pagasee was taken after the over- 


throw of Potidwa and Methone. Olynth. I. § 12. Cf. 
Brureckner, Kénig Phil. p. 102 seqq. Cf. supra, § 4. 

§ 36. “Ou. This introduces the answer of the foregoing 
question. 

ἐκ πολλοῦ, sc. χρόνου, long beforehand. 

τίς χορηγὸς, sc. ἔσται. The office of the choregus was the 
most important of the regular Liturgiz (λειτουργίαι ἐγκύχλιοι, 
Dem. Or. adv. Lept. § 21), the object of which was to 
grace the festivals, and provide for the entertainment of the 
people. It was discharged by the wealthy citizens in a 
certain order established by the several tribes. It was the 
duty. of the choregus to collect the chorus, to pay for their 
instruction by a master, and to bear all the expenses neces- 
sary for their training as well as for their proper appearance 
in public. Lipan. Arg. Or. in Mid: Wo.ur, ad Lept. 
Proleg. p. 91. In these expenses were included their board 
and attendance, dresses and ornaments, masks in the dra- 
matic performances, &c. Borckxu, Staatsh. I. p. 489. Some- 
times the charge was undertaken by volunteers, and even by 
the state. Ibid. p. 494. ‘*'These imposts were the more 
onerous from the circumstance of their not being fixed at 
any amount; but depended, not merely on the wants of the 
state, but the pride of those who supplied them.”? HEEREN. 
ScuHoe tr, Hist. de la Litt. Gr. 11. p. 9. As the service was 
a religious one, the person of the choregus was sacred while 
engaged in his duties. Demosthenes was officiating in this 
capacity when he was struck by Midias, which gave occa- 
sion to one of his most celebrated orations. 

γυμνασίαρχος. The gymnasiarchus was appointed in the 
same manner as the choregus, to superintend the gymnastic 
schools in which the youth practised for the public contests. 
He did the same for the athlete under his charge which the 
other did for the chorus. Borcxu. I. p. 495. Wotr, 
Proleg. ad Lept. p. 93. Cf. Herm. Staatsalt. § 161 seqq. 

παρὰ τοῦ, instead of παρὰ τίνος, quando et a quo et quid 


122 PHIGP PPI DT. 


accipicndum, quidque faciendum. AUGER. WursTERMANN 
thinks that these words refer to the money advanced by the 
State. 

ἐν δὲ τοῖς περὶ τοῦ πολέμου, but in affairs pertaining to war. 
περί with the gen. represents the subject itself. See exam- 
ples collected by BeErnHARDY, Gr. Synt. p. 262. 

Tt, 1. 6. quelque mouvement de lennemi. 'TouRREIL. 

τριηράρχους. The trierarch was originally, as the name 
denotes, the commander of a trireme, or ship of war, but 
afterwards the word signified merely the person who paid 
the expense of equipping and maintaining a trireme. The 
trierarchy belonged to the so-called extraordinary liturgie ; 
the obligation to serve rested entirely upon property, and 
in this respect it was the most burdensome duty the Athen- 
ian citizen was called upon to perform. For every one who 
possessed a fortune of three talents, was liable to be appoint- 
ed trierarch once in three years. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, Staatsh. der Ath. 
I. pp. 485, 492. The ships were the property of the state, 
and were distributed by lot (ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, Seewesen der Ath. 
p- 167), unfurnished, among the trierarchs, who were then 
obliged to provide them with rigging and all other necessary 
implements, and to keep them in repair during their term 
of office, which was one year. ‘The trierarchs were named 
by the generals of the army (Herm. Séaatsalt. Ὁ. 348), and 
when they did not themselves take the command, they sent 
a substitute (Boroxu, Staatsh. 11. p. 80); beside which, 
they had to hire at the expense of the state (Id. II. 85) and 
support the ship’s crew. ‘The cost of furnishing a vessel 
varied from forty to sixty mine, 1. 6. from six hundred to 
one thousand dollars. If a hired captain took the com- 
mand, he received one talent per annum. οι, Proleg. 
ad Lept. p. 118. The naval system of the Athenians 
underwent, however, many .changes, for which see HERM. 
Staatsalt. § 161; ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, Staatsh. 11. 80 seqq.; and See- 
wesen der Ath. p. 177. 

τούτοις ἀντιδύσεις ποιούμεθα, inter eos permutationes opum 





NOTES. 123 


instituimus. VorEM. This refers to a law, said to have been 
introduced by Solon, according to which, any person who 
had been appointed to the trierarchy, if he thought a richer 
man than himself had been passed by, was allowed the right 
to demand that such a one should take his place as trierarch, 
or, if he refused to do this, that he should exchange for- 
tunes with him; so that, after the exchange, he could 
afford the requisite sum. ‘This was designed to protect the 
poor or unfortunate against unjust or arbitrary burdens. 
Should the person thus designated refuse to do either, the 
other could lay an attachment on his property, and scal his 
house till the court could decide which was the wealthier of 
the two. Dem. Or. Phenipp., in the beginning ; adv. Apho- 
bum, II. § 17. Borcxu, Staatsh. II. p. 124. It was a 
curious feature in this law of exchanges, that civil processes 
changed hands along with the property which they con- 
cerned. From the time that must have elapsed in‘making 
out inventories and settling points of law, it can be seen 
with how much justice Demosthenes complained of delay 
in their preparations. 

χρημάτων πόρου. Since the war fund had been diverted to 
purposes of public amusement, it became necessary to levy 
a special tax to support the expenses of an expedition. Cf. 
Olynth. 1. § 19. Hern. Staatsalt. § 171. 

μετοίκους. The μέτοιχοι (resident aliens) constituted a 
large class in Athens; in the time of Demetrius the Phale- 
rian, they amounted to ten thousand. They were strangers, 
whom either the business advantages of Athens, or its 
pleasant life, attracted to settle there. By paying what 
we should call a poll-tax of twelve drachms for a family an- 
nually, they enjoyed the protection of the laws, and the 
privilege of following any business they preferred. This 
did not, however, include the rights of citizenship; on the 
contrary, both they and their descendants continued to be 
regarded by the state in some respects as foreigners; they 
could possess no landed property, and were obliged to 


124 PHT? 1: 


choose a citizen as protector (προστάτης, HARPOCRAT. ap. 
Passow, Lex. s. v.), who represented their interests, and 
to whom they stood on much the same footing as the Roman 
clients to their patrons. A failure to pay their tax made 
them liable to be sold as slaves. The manufactures, com- 
merce, arts, and trades of Athens were carried on chiefly 
by this class. They also performed regular military service. 
Hurm. Antiqg. § 115. There were among them many 
families of wealth and respectability, from which not un- 
frequently individuals were raised to the rank of ἰσοτελεῖς, 
who rendered equal services and enjoyed the same rights” 
with.citizens, except those of a strictly political nature. In 
some instances, also, in consideration of special merits, 
they were honored with the dignity of citizenship. Wo.r, 
Proleg. ad Lept. p. 69. Herm. Staatsalt. § 116. 

τοὺς χωρὶς oizovrtas, those living apart. ‘ Besonders- 
wohnende, worunter man entweder mit Grammatikern 
Freigellassene, oder noch in Sklaverei befindliche, aber 
abgesondert von ihren Herrn auf eigene Hand lebende 
Leute verstehen muss.” Borcxu, Staatsh. I. p. 281. The 
grammarian here particularly alluded to is Harpocration, 
who adds, τοὺς χωρὶς οἰκοῦντες τῶν δεσποτὼν, ““ Freedmen 
who lived by themselves, apart from their former masters, 
whereas slaves lived in the same house with their owners.” 
H. Wotr explains, those who carry on business for them- 
selves, which is adopted by Jacoss. ‘The expression is 
illustrated by a passage in Dem. Or. in Euerg. Speaking 
of a woman who had formerly served in the family as 
nurse, he says, ἀφεῖτο yao ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἐλευθέρα 
καὶ χωρὶς ὥχει καὶ ἄνδρα ἔσχεν. 8. 72, p. 1161, ed. REISKE. 

πάλιν, sc. ἐμβαίνειν. The orator exposes the fickle- 
mindedness of the Athenians, inasmuch as they had twice 
changed their plans. 

ἀντεμβιβάζειν, to substitute, to send others instead. Tuve. 
VI. 18, ἀνδράποδα “Tuxagua ἀντεμβιβάσαι ὑπὲρ σφῶν πείσ- 

ι , 

QYTES τοὺς τριηράρχους. 





qe τ γ 


NOTES. 125 


ἐν ὅσῳ, whilst. “Ocog in the dat. denotes an interval of 
time. VicER.p. 132. μέλλεται. μέλλω, when used alone, 
expresses hesitation, procrastination.* Render, and whilst 
these matters are protracted, the place to which we would 
sail is lost { before we arrive }. 

τὸ ἐφ᾽ ὃ. The article is here used to denote an abstract 
notion. Cf. Bernuarpy, Gr. Syntaz, p. 813. 

§ 37. οὐ μένουσι καιροί. Similarly Tuuc. I. 142, τοῦ δὲ 
πολέμου οἱ καιροὶ ov μενετοί. Livy, 31. 48, non exspectare 
belli tempora moras et dilationes imperatorum. DoBReEE. 

εἰρωνείαν. Cf. supra, § 7. 

“Ae δὲ. Notice the similarity in construction to the Latin. 

τὸν μεταξὺ χρόνον is adverbial, in the mean time, meanwhile. 
The vulg. has εἰς before τὸν, which BeKKeER; with Cod. 3, 


omits, and correctly, for the phrase is clearly to be joined 


with οἰόμεθα. It denotes the interval which commonly 
elapses between voting to raise a force and the time of com- 
mencing operations, when, by reason of the numerous 
deficiencies, they were disappointed in finding the army 
not as efficient as they had calculated upon. The explana- 


nation of Francke and others, that the orator alludes toa 


smaller force sent out to reconnoitre while the larger is pre- 
paring, per intermedium tempus, is inadmissible. The sense 
is correctly given by VoEMEL: quas vero interjecto tempore 
copias nos habere putantus, ee in ipsis occastonibus nihil 
posse gerere deprehenduntur. 

Ὁ δ᾽, viz. Philip. The import of the letter which the 
orator causes to be read was this: Philip sent word to the 
Eubceans that it was useless to place any hope of assistance 
in the alliance of the Athenians, since they were unable 
to save them. SCHOL. 

§ 38. Τούτων, κ- τ. Δ. The order is, τὰ πολλὰ τούτων 
εν ν TOY ἀνεγνωσμένων μέν ἐστι ἀληθῆ. 

οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως, %. τ. λ., although perhaps not agreeable 
to hear. Vicer. p. 464. The Athenians carried their 
fastidiousness so far, that they desired to be flattered and 

12 


126 PHLEDPP PIG 1. 


entertained even to the prejudice of their own interests, 
sometimes refusing to listen to the orator who attempted to 
tell them unpleasant truths. Cf. Phil. 111. § ὃ, and Or. de 
Fal. Leg. § 45 seqq. 

"ALN εἰ μέν, . ... ὑπερβήσεται. Wolf renders this verb in- 
transitively : Si etiamres....ipse@ prateribunt, in which he 
is followed by Franke and others; but it would be, per- 
haps, better to take it in the active sense, thus: But if, 
whatever a man may omit in speaking, in order to avoid 
giving offence, he shall also pass by the circumstances of the 
case, — the real facts, — he must harangue for the pleasure 
[of his audience]. This interpretation seems much more 
in harmony with what follows. 

πρὸς ἡδονὴν, for their amusement. 

ὧν ἢ μὴ προσήκουσα, when it is employed out of place. 

φενακίζειν, to delude, to deceive. | 

§ 39. καὶ μηδὲ τοῦτο δύνασθαι μαθεῖν, x. τ. 2. Nec id posse 
intelligere eorum esse qui bellum recte administrant, non 
sequi res, sed rebus preire. AUGER. 

ἔμπροσθεν εἶναι is used in opposition to ἀκολουθεῖν. He 
says they ought, by prudent calculation, to place themselves 
at the head of affairs, and to control circumstances, instead 
of being controlled by them. 

ὥσπερ Wolf conjectures oreo, which is unnecessary, for 
these forms interchange. Cf. supra, 821. Olynth. I. § 15. 
Or. de Cherson. ὃ 18. Also Ismus de Menecl: HxEropor. 
§ 18, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὥσπερ γόνῳ ὄντα πατέρα ἐμαυτοῦ. 

οὕτω χαὶ τῶν πραγ.» Sc. ἡγεῖσθαι δεῖ. The passage is fore- 
ibly rendered by Jacobs: ‘* Denn gerade so, wie man 
verlangt dass ein Feldherr sein Heer leiten soll, eben so 
mussen auch wohlberathene Menschen die Umstande leiten, 
damit das was sie wiinschen geschehe, und sie nicht in die 
Nothwendigkeit gerathen den zufilligen Ereignissen folgen 
zu mussen.”~ In another oration (de Coron. ὃ 235), De- 
mosthenes holds up Philip as such a commander: ἦρχε τῶν 
ἀκολουθούντων αὐτὸς αὐτοχράτωρ OY... . αὐτὸς δεσπύτης, 





NOTES. , 127 


ἡγεμών, κύριος πάντων. The sentiment advanced in the text 
is that of an energetic statesman conscious of his power. 
Herodotus speaks in another tone: μάθε, ὄτι αἱ συμφοραὶ 
τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄρχουσι, καὶ οὐκὶ ὥνθρωποι τῶν συμφορέων. 
ViL..40.. . 

τὰ συμβάντ᾽, events. The subject of ἀναγκάζωνται is 
ἐχεῖνοι, taken from the preceding, according to Marru. Gr. 
§ 295. - 

διώκειν. ““ Tempora rerum et consilia eorum, qui bellum 
gerunt, inter se certant quasi currendo. Qui rem parum 
callent, res ipsas semper anxie sequuntur nec unquam attin- 
gunt.”” SaupPPE. 

8 40. τριήρεις. The Athenians in the age of Demos- 
thenes were able to furnish a fleet of 300 triremes. Or. de 
Class. § 29. Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 279, quotes Xenophon’s 
statement, that those lying at the wharfs, together with 
those at sea, amounted to 400. He reckons 200 marines 
to a ship; if we take Demosthenes’s statement of 300 
vessels, the naval force would amount to 60,000. 

ὁπλίτας. Pericles, at the opening of the Peloponnesian 
war, reckons the heavy infantry at 13,000, exclusive of 
those necessary to defend the fortifications. Tuuc. II. 18. 
And our orator, Or. de Class. ὃ 29, says, ὁπλίτας δὲ ὅσους 
av ἠθέλῃ τις. Boxcku, Staatsth. I. p. 290. Their cavalry 
numbered only 1200, including the mounted bowmen. 
Tuvc. ibid. 

χρημάτων πρόσοδον. The taxable property of the whole 
of Attica was estimated at 6,000 talents, the annual revenue 
at 1200 talents, which, however, included the tributes of 
the allies. The income from Attica alone was about 400 
talents. Or. de Class.§ 19. /Escuin. Or. de Fal. Leg. 
p- 8387. Ruep. adh. l. 

τούτων μὲν... ..τι κέχρησθε. The sense is, You have 
never up to this very day made any proper use of these ad- 
vantages. χρῆσθαι with the dat. of the thing and acc. of 


128 PHILP PEM: 


the purpose, we have already noticed above, 8 38. Cf. also 
Olynth. 111. § 6, τί δὴ χοησόμεθα, ὦ ἄνδρες ’ADyvaio, τούτῳ ; 

μέχοι τῆς τήμερον ἡμέρας. An expression very similar to 
the German, bis auf den heutigen Tag. 

εἰς δέον, to the purpose. Zum néthigen Zweck. FRAnz. 
Olynth. IIL. § 28, χίλια καὶ πενταχόσια τάλαντα ἀνηλώκαμεν 
εἰς οὐδὲν δέον. in vain. 

οὐδενὸς δ᾽ ἀπολείπεσθε. This passage has caused the com- 
mentators no little perplexity, and the views taken of it are 
sufficiently various to justify a brief notice of them. Reiske 
says, ‘‘ Non intelligo hane dictionem. Quid enim sibi vult 
οὐδενὸς ὃ Quid subauditur? Videtur Wolfius existimasse, 
subaudiendum esse, πολεμίου, nullum non hostem assectaminti. 
Mihi videtur Demosthenes id significasse si voluisset, aliter 
sententiam expressurus fuisse. Num οὐδενὸς δ᾽ οὐ χαιροῦ 
ἀπολείπεσθε ὃ nusquam non sero venitis opportunitatibus re- 
rum bene gerendurum dudum praterlapsis.” The Abbé 
Auger prefers to substitute οὐκ for the vulg. δὲ, and inter- 
prets, nullam rem non serius facitis. These conjectures are 
well refuted by Schaefer: ‘‘Inepte Augerus. Vulgata 
optime habet, in qua nihil subaudiendum, nam οὐδενός 
neutrius est generis. Male autem vertit Ruedigerus: nihil 
non assequuti estis. Immo; nihil autem non assectamini, sc. 
affectatis, etst non assequentes, sed frustra laborantes.”” 
Apparat. crit. ad Dem. p. 369. With all proper deference 
for such high authority, I find in this whole argument no 
allusion made to the cupidity of the Athenians; on the 
contrary, it is the too great indifference to the loss of their 
possessions which the orator so frequently condemns. 
Equally groundless is the assumption of Sauppe, that he 
directs his censure against their injudicious rashness, which 
certainly accords very ill with the comparison which follows. 
The ground which Demosthenes takes is this: the Athe- 
nians, although possessing the amplest means, not only do 
not act on the offensive in the war with Philip, which they 
might and ought to do (cf. § 18), but they do not make any 


NOTES. 129 


efficient defence of their possessions, but, as often as they 
hear of any attack, they vote to send troops, which, how- 
ever, always arrive too late to save the besieged city. (Cf. 
8 86.) Hesays this is just the way that barbarians box. 
The construction of the passage is, ἀπολείπεσθε δ᾽ οὐδενὸς 
οὕτω πολεμεῖν Φιλίππῳ ὥσπερ οἱ βάρβαροι πυχτεύουσιν. Lit. 
Vou lack nothing of warring with Philip just as the bar- 
barians box; that is, you are fully as unprepared and 
unskilful. The verb ἀπολείπεσθαι with the gen. used in 
the sense of to want, to be inferior to, is very frequent, 
particularly among the orators. Isoc. Evag. Encom., πολὺ 
λίαν éodegia τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ. Also in Or. Panath., 
Ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὁμολογῶ μὴν ἀπολελεῖφθαι τὴν ἐμὴν φρόνησιν τῆς σῆς. 
The same Orat. p. 614, ed. AUG., γεγονὼς μὲν ἔτη τρία μόνον 
ἀπολείποντα τῶν ἑκατόν. In the active, however, it is more 
frequently construed with the acc. The emendation of Dos- _ 
REE, οὐδὲν instead of οὐδενὸς, is unnecessary. — BEKKER 
and others have δὲ after ὥσπερ, but it is wanting in Cod. &, 
and is evidently superfluous. 

τῆς πληγῆς ἔχεται. ἜἜχομαι with the gen. expresses the 
idea of physical and intellectual contact, adherence. Tuuc. 
I. 140, Τῆς μὲν γνώμης .. -. ἀεὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἔχομαι. A similar 
use of it is found in Or. de Cor. § 79, τούτων γὰρ εἰχόμην 
ἐγώ, in hec enim eram intentus. Mr.anctHon. ‘THuvc. 
II. 2. Vicer. p. 256. Render, For if one of these re- 
ceives a blow, he always grasps the injured part, ete. 

ἐχεῖσέ εἰσιν αἱ χεῖρες, there go his hands. FRANKE: so 
sind die Hénde dorthin. Cf. Xen. Anab. I. 2. 7, where 
see Krueger. Sauppe quotes the poet in Pxuur. de Garrul. 
Ῥ. 513. E, ὅπου τις ἀλγεῖ, κεῖσε καὶ τὴν χεῖρ᾽ ἔχει. Lucchesini 
makes the following pertinent remarks on this passage: 
“ς Lepidissima et pulcherrima quidem comparatio, que miri- 
fice ob oculos ponit parvas illas subitasque expeditiones ad 
Pylas, in Chersonesum, Pydnam, Potidzam, aliasque supra 
commemoratas, que vulneris potius dolorem ostenderant, 


quam ejus curandi voluntatem. Siquidem causa amovenda 
12* 


130 PAHLEPP PROT. 


fuisset, unde ipse dolor infligebatur.”” Annotat. Hist. p. 275. 
. Προβάλλεσθαι, for προτείνειν τὰς χεῖρας ὡς εἰς μάχην. 
Harpoc. 8. v.: to guard or ward off with the hands. Or. 
de Cor. ὃ 97, τὴν ἀγαθὴν προβαλλομένους ἐλπίδα, bona spe 
tanguam clypeo protenta, qua a timore se vindicent. DrssEn. 
Also XEN. Cyrop. 11. 3. 

8 41. Καὶ ὑμεῖς. You too. After a comparison, as here, 
καί may be rendered so, in like manner. 

συμπαραθεῖτ᾽, lit. you run along with him. So lauft ihr 
neben thm her, bald auf, bald αὖ. Jacoss. 

ἄνω κάτω, and ἄνω καὶ κάτω, used indiscriminately, denote 
something done without plan or order. Both readings are 
to be found in good manuscripts. 
va’ ἐκείνου, that is, subordinate to him, as your commander- 
in-chief. Cf. Olynth. 111. 6. ‘* Odioso verbo utitur, quasi 
Athenienses Philippi mercenarii duces et mancipia essent ; 
quod et turpe est et perniciosum. H. Wotrr. 

αὐτοὶ, “ yourselves’ ; you follow no independent course 
of action. 

The expression πρὸ τῶν πραγμάτων corresponds to the 
English beforehand. Cf. Or. de Cherson. §§ 11, 12, which 
serves as a commentary on this passage. 

ἐνῆν. Auger and the older editors have ποιεῖν after ἐνῆν, 
which Bekker rejected as a gloss. 

πρότερον, viz. before Philip became so powerful as to en- 
danger the liberties of Greece. 

ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἤχει τὴν ἀχμήν. But now it has come to such a 
crisis that this course is no longer admissible. ἀχμή: αὐτὴ ἡ 
ῥοπὴ τῆς Tov πράγματος ἐπιτάσεως. ΒΕκκ. Anecdot. p. 365. 
The present of 7% is generally equivalent to the perfect in 
English, KurHner, Gr. 255. 2. 

8 42. Aoxzet δέ μοι θεῶν τις. The sudden and rapid 
movements of Philip appear to have disconcerted the tardy 
Greeks, as those of Napoleon perplexed his more cautious 
adversaries. Cf. Phil. III. § 47 seqq., where our orator 
speaks of the changes that Philip had introduced in mili- 
tary tactics. 


NOTES. 131 


τοῖς γιγνομένοις. The dat. of cause or occasion. Cf. 
Marru. Gr. ὃ 398. KuEruner, § 285. 1. 

γὰρ refers to the words ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως αἰσχυνόμενος. 
Demosthenes endeavors by this sarcastic remark to appeal 
to the pride of his hearers, contending that such a mean- 
spirited resignation to their losses was a stain on the na-. 
tional honor. The general sense of the passage may thus 
be expressed: For you are so far from feeling ashamed of 
allowing Philip to strip you of your possessions, that I 
verily believe, if he would remain satisfied with what he 
has got, and engage in no further undertakings, some of 
you would be content with such conditions, by which we 
should draw down upon ourselves, as a nation, disgrace, 
the stigma of cowardice, and every thing which is most 
shameful. 

ἀποχρῆν ἐνίοις, %. τ. Δ... I think it would content some of 
you. On the form of this inf. see supra, § 22. 

ἐξ ὧν. The antecedent of this relative are the terms just 
mentioned, in which, as the orator says, some were ready to 
acquiesce. ‘They are in fact the very conditions on which 
peace was concluded, Ol. 108. 2, B. C. 347 (cf. Or. de 
Halon. § 26), and which the orator himself at. that time 
deemed it prudent to accept. Cf. Olynth. III. § 2, and es- 
pecially. Or. de Pace, ὃ 24. 

ὠφληκότες. ὀφλισκάνειν is a term taken from the courts 
of law: damnatum esse judicio, VicER. p. 272. Bremri: 
“ Αἰσχύνην ὀφλεῖν et similes locutiones sunt periphrases ver- 
borum, ita ut phrasi notio inhereat merito aliquem pati 
quod patiatur: justa premi infamia.” 

ἐχχαλέσαιθ. HESYCHIUS: “προχαλεῖται. ALESCHIN. de 
Fal. Leg. ὃ 3, p. 189, ὀργὴν ἐχκαλέσασθαι. Reiske: ad 
indignationem vos concitat. 

ἀπεγνώχατε. This verb is used either with or without an 
object; if indeed you have not altogether given up in de- 
spair, that is, if you have not wholly abandoned the pur- 
pose for which the war was undertaken, namely, that of 


132 PHILIPPE Ree: 


recovering your possessions and punishing Philip. Cf. 
Dem. de Fal. Leg. § 54. 

43. εἰ μηδεὶς. After verbs signifying an affection of the 
mind, εἰ has generally the signification of ὅτι, that, indi- 
cating something definite and certain. Similarly in Latin 
si; as, Horace, Sat. I. 1. 86. 


‘¢ Miraris, cum tu argento post omnia ponas, 
Si nemo preestet, quem non merearis amorem? ”’ 


τιμωρήσασθαι. Cf. supra, 8 7. Wacusmurtu, Gr. Antiq. 
I. 2. p. 354. 

εἰ μή τις κωλύσει. This reading has been adopted by all 
the recent editors of Demosthenes, and for this reason I 
have retained it. The best Codex of Paris (X) has κωλύσηι, 
which FUNKHAENEL is inclined to receive, Quest. Dem. 
p- 9, and the Harl. MS. has κωλύσοι, either of which I 
should prefer to the indicative. I was the more persuaded 
to this opinion by the reasonings of the learned Prof. 
Boeckh upon a similar passage in Or. de Cor. § 63, εἰ 
μηδεὶς χωλύσει, in which the correct reading is unques- 
tionably κωλύσοι. The propriety of a conditional form of 
the mode after εἰ μὴ is recognized by BrerRnHARDY, Gr. 
Syntax, p. 399. ; 

Εἴτα is frequently used in interrogations, like the French 
donc, when the speaker wishes to express indignation, or 
to show the absurdity of something. VIGER. p. 395. 

τριήρεις κενὰς. The expression xerat νῆες is commonly 
used in opposition to reg πλήρεις, which signified vessels 
furnished and manned ready for service, whereas the former 
denoted the bare hull and mast. When an expedition was 
determined upon, these were assigned to the trierarchs, 
whose duty it was to supply the rigging and other furniture, 
and to engage the crews. GoELLER ad Tuvc. VI. 31. 
Wotr, Proleg. ad Lept. p. 101. I conjecture, however, 
that the expression here is to be understood in a modified ~ 





NOTES. 133 


sense. The war with Philip had hitherto been carried on 
chiefly in countries allied with, and: under the protection of, 
the Athenians, and the part which the latter had taken was 
rather by way of assistance to them than on their own 
account. In such cases, it was not uncommon to send a 
subsidy of empty vessels, as, when Philip attacked Herzon 
in Thrace, Charidemus was despatched thither with ten 
empty vessels, and five talents of silver for hiring merce- 
-naries to man them. Olynth. III. § 5. But not unfre- 
quently the troops were supplied by the ally to whose aid 
the vessels were sent. It is scarcely, therefore, to be 
imagined, that they were sent totally unfurnished, like 
those above described; we must rather believe that they 
were rigged and supplied at least with crews sufficient to 
work them. 

τὰς παρὰ τοῦ δεῖνος ἐλπίδας. Hopes held out by this or 
the other popular orator from the tribune. Cf. infra, § 45. 
In δεῖνος, he alludes to some person or persons whom he 
does not choose to name. See, concerning this word, HrrM. 
ad VicER. p. 794. 

§ 44. The force and brevity of these interrogations are 
much praised by Loneinus de Sublim. § 18. 

ἐμβησόμεθα ; SC. τὰς ναῦς. 

ἔξιμεν. The present form of this verb denotes future 
action. So in English, I go, am going, is often used instead 
of the regular future. Εἴσομαι is an epic form. 

μέρει γέ τινι. Notice the force of the particle γέ: with 
some portion at least. 

τήν ἐχείνου, SC. γῆν. 

πλευσόμεθαᾳ. The vulg. has the Doric fut. πλευσούμεθα, 
which is more frequent with Attic authors than the other. 
We find it, for example, in Dem. Or. adv. Polyel.,; οὐδὲ 
πλευσοῦμαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν (but Vorm. here edits πλεύσομαι), 
p. 1222, ed. REIsKE. 

ἤρετο. ‘The aerist may stand for the present in cases 
where the action is regarded as having already occurred, 


134 PHILIBP LE 7; 


and the notion of repetition is added. Some have pro- 
posed to read ἔροιτό zig, as in Olynth. 11. 8 we find ἂν εἰποι 
τις, and Olynth. 111. 10, εἰποι τις ἂν. In Latin, inquit is 
used in a similar way. . 

τὰ σαθρὰ. Hesycuius: ἀσθενῆ, κεχλασμένα ; The war 
itself will discover his weak points, if we should attack him. 

τῶν λεγόντων, i. 6. the orators. Demosthenes says, Or. de 
Cor. § 3, that “it is a part of human nature to listen with 
pleasure to calumny and accusation.”” The Athenians, how- 
ever, appear to have had an unusual relish for it. 

[ov] μὴ. The negative ov is wanting in some manuscripts, 
and would indeed seem to be superfluous in this sentence. 
Herm. ad Kurip. [ph.-T. 886 condemns the expression 
οὐδὲν ov μὴ as a solecism. This opinion which was founded 
on conjecture, has been since confirmed by manuscripts com- 
pared by Jacosirz which give Θάῤῥει" οὐδὲν δεινὸν μὴ πάθῃς, 
instead of the vulg. οὐδὲν δεινὸν ov μὴ πάθῃς. Sauppe, in 
the passage before us, rejects ov for the following reasons : 
Negationes plures ita posite (οὐδέποτ᾽ οὐδὲν ov), ut que ad 
totum comma pertineat sequatur, que ad partes ejus comma- 
tis, precedant, se tollunt. et affirmant, οὐ. igitur delendum 
erat. Ea deleta sensus hic est, quasi dictum sit: ov μὴ γένη- 
ται ποτέ τι τῶν δεόντων. Cf. Phil. III. § 75. It may be 
further remarked that ov μὴ followed by the subj. expresses 
the certainty of the ind. fut. Cf. ScoormMann ad Isamu, 
p. 384. RurprieER ad ἢ. l. 

§ 45. Ὅποι μὲν γὰρ ἄν, x. τ. λ. Denn wohin nur ein Theil 
der Stadt mitzieht, wenn nicht alle, die Gnade der Gétter 
und des Glisckes kémpfen mit uns. Franz. The idea is 
that the gods dwell in Athens, and should even a small part 
of the citizens go forth to meet the enemy, their divine 
protectors will not forsake them.—7z0.... εὐμενές. Neuter. 
sing. of the adj. used for the corresponding abstract noun. 

ψήφισμα κενὸν. See note to 8 19. 

τὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἐλπίδας, ef. Or. de Cor. § 167, hopes 
or promises held forth from the tribune. Valesius attributes 





ΠΟ oe 


NOTES. 135 


these promises to the generals, made at the time of their 
election: Solebant tune temporis duces Atheniensium, simul 
atque populi suffragiis electi fuerant, conscenso suggestu 
magnifica quedam populo polliceri et victorias ac trophea 
spondere. 

τεθνᾶσι τῷ δέει τοὺς, %.T.2. These words were as difficult 
of explanation to the grammarians of ancient times as they 
have been to the critics of our own day, and hitherto no one 
has been able to say why the orator should have chosen to 
put the accusative instead of the genitive after δέει. Some 
‘from δέει supply the participle of the cognate verb, δεδιότες, 
as Rost, Gr. 492. Others make the acc. dependent on de, 
and among these BERNHaRDY, Gr. Syntax, p. 114, and 
ENGELHARDT, Adnot. crit. in Dem. p. 39. Finally, Herm. 
ad Eurip. Bacch. 600, and ScHarrer, Apparat. crit. ad 
Dem., maintain that the phrase τεθνάναι τῷ δέει, being 
equivalent to μάλα δεδιέναι, may be followed by the acc. 
of the object. The sense of the passage is clear: our 
allies die with dread of such reinforcements. In a similar 
manner, Dem., Or. de Fal. Leg. § 81, says of the subju- 
gated Phocians, δουλεύειν καὶ τεθνάναι τῷ φύβῳ Θηβαίους καὶ 
τοὺς Φιλίππου ξένους οὗς ἀναγκάζονται τρέφειν. According 
to the light hitherto thrown on the question, it appears that 
τεθνάναι τῷ δέει is to be regarded as a verbal phrase not 
unlike the English exaggerated expression to be afraid as 
death of. As such it may evidently be explained according 
to the principle of Greek syntax laid down by Marrn. Gr. 
§ 414: ‘Many intransitive verbs, namely, those which 
express a violent affection of the mind, take after them an 
acc. which denotes the immediate object and at the same 
time the cause of the affection.”” In regard to the thought 
itself, it is well known with what oppressions some of the 
Athenian generals, with their hordes of mercenaries, vexed 
their allies. Cf. supra, § 24. Voemel aptly quotes Drop. 
Src. XV. 95: οὗτος [Χάρης δὲ τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους εὐλαβού- 


«μένος, τοὺς δὲ συμμάχους ἀδικῶν διετέλει, κ. τ. 2. 


136 PHILER PNG. 


. 


§ 46. οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν (for ἔξεστιν), x. τ. Δ. For it is not 
possible that one man should be able to effect all that you 
desire (that is, the single general, cf. § 26), without a civil 
force to codperate with him. Z 

ἂν δυνηθηναί ποτε. Some of the recent editors have im- 
properly rejected ἂν. Bekker has it in his first edition 
(1816), but afterwards struck it out. But it is both author- 
ized by good manuscripts and the use of language requires 

for the verb δυνηθῆναι having its origin in the optative, 
the infin. without ἂν would convey but an incomplete idea. 
I cannot concur with Franke, that it is used here de re et 
facto; it rather expresses the orator’s conviction, who 
knew that others differed from him in opinion. 

“Ὑποσχέσθαι, alluding to the hopes and promises men- 
tioned above, ὃ 45. Chares was notorious for his futile 
promises ; hence the proverb, 4i Χάρητος ὑποσχέσεις. The 
censure however is not here directed against any particular 
commander, but against the Athenians themselves, who, 
by their indifferent management, forced their generals to 
all sorts of artifices. This, as well as the following inf., 
depends on ἔστιν, repeated with oratorical emphasis at the 
end of the sentence. 

μέντοι expresses a stronger opposition than δέ. 

φῆσαι, aorist, in the sense of φάσχω, which sometimes 
answers’ to the Lat. dictito, to make many words, talk 
plausibly. 

αἰτιάσασθαι, to lay the blame of cali on others. Aber 
Versprechungen machen, schwatzen, und diesen und jenen 
beschuldigen, das ist leicht ; aber dabei geht der Staat zu 
Grunde. JAcoxs. 

ἐκ, in consequence of. Cf. Krurcer ad Xn. Anab. I. 
8.11: ἐχ τούτων, in Folge dieser Umstinde. 

ἡγῆται has been adopted by most of the recent editors in 
place of the vulg. ἡττῆται. Both are supported by good 
manuscripts. Reiske prefers the latter, as denoting the 
helpless condition of the general in the hands of a turbu- 


= ORME 





NOTES. 137 


lent soldiery. But the former is approved as most in keep- 
‘ing with the context. 

ἀπομίσθων, unpaid, those to whom the city has failed to 
furnish the stipulated pay, and for this reason miserable, 
ἀθλίων. ‘The republic was not accustomed to furnish ra- 
tions to its soldiers; but an allowance in money for pro- 
visions was counted out at the same time with their wages 
(Borcku, Staatsh. I. p. 293), and then each soldier sup- 
plied himself from the market. The stopping of payment, 
therefore, threatened famine. Demosthenes relates an in- 
stance (Or. adv. Polycl. § 53) where, from a failure of 
wages which were paid from day to day, the troops were 
reduced to absolute want, and were unable to proceed, from 
hunger. Much of the violence and robbery exercised by 
the hired troops is doubtless to be explained as arising from 
this cause. 

οἱ δ΄, the orators here. While the generals were strug- 
gling with these difficulties abroad, they were exposed to 
the intrigues and calumnies of the demagogues at home. 

ψευδόμενοι ὁᾳδίως. The Scholiast (in Cod. Aug.) remarks 
upon this passage, of δὲ συχοφάνται ὑπὲρ ὧν ὁ στρατηγὸς ἐχεῖ 
πράττει, ἐντεῦθεν κατηγοροῦσιν εὐχερῶς, διὰ γὰρ τὸ μὴ παρεῖναι 
ὑμᾶς. ‘ 

ὅ τι av. Construe, ψηφίζησθε ὅ τι ἂν τὔχητε, i. 6. you 
decree what happens to come into your mind, without in- 
vestigation. Τυγχάνειν and λαγχάνειν often take the accus. 
in this sense. Cf. Marru. Gr. § 327. καὶ is used to give 
emphasis to the question: .even. Cf. Herm. ad VicER. p. 
μον subjoin Wolf's translation of this passage: Si enim 
imperator miseros mercede fraudatos milites ducit, qui vero 
de rebus ab illo gestis ad vos mentiatur, facile hic exstant et 
vos ex auditu, quicquid in mentem venerit, decernitis ; quid, 
queso, exspectandum est ? 

8 47. ἀποδείξητε. Cf. Xen. Anab. 1. 10. 7. When you 
appoint yourselves, 1. 6. your own citizens as, &c. 

τῶν στρατηγουμένων. Cf. supra, § 25. 

19 


138 PHIRI cl. 


τῶν εὐθυνῶν. Every public officer was obliged to render 
an account of his administration within thirty days after 
laying down his office. Harpocrar. The generals in 
command formed an exception to the rule; the time of 
their rendering their report being often ene, by a 
special resolution of the people. Lystas adv. Alcib. MEIER 
u. ScHoEMANN, Att. Process, p. 218. Cf. supra, § 383. 
This law, however, affected only those who received their 
offices directly from the government, not the subalterns and 
clerks. C. F. Hermann, Staatsalterth. §§ 147, 154. Such 
report was made publicly to the board of auditors (οἱ λογισται 
and εὔθυνοι). on which occasion any person had the right to 
impeach them. ΜΈΙΕΕ ἃ. ScHorem. Att. Process, Ὁ. 219. 
If no complaint was brought against them, and their ac- 
counts were satisfactory, they received at once their dis- 
charge ; if the contrary, the matter was referred to a court 
of justice for decision. In regard to the λογισταί and εὔθυνοι 
mentioned above, there were ten of each (one elected from 
each tribe); but what the distinction was, or whether any 
real difference existed, is still a subject of controversy. 
Borcxu, Staatsh. I. p. 205. C. F. Hermann, Staats- 
alterth. § 154, n. 8. The orators sometimes coupled the 
words λόγον and εὐθύνας without regarding the difference 
between them; but properly speaking, λύγος signified the 
account of expenditures, whilst by the evfura: was meant 
the report, more or less detailed, of an officer’s whole 
administration. MerrEr, Att. Process, p. 219. 

εἰς τοῦθ᾽ ..... αἰσχύνης. Cf. supra, §§ 9, 37. 

dig καὶ τρὶς χρίνεται. Impeachment and trial for his life 
awaited the general on returning from an unsuccessful cam- 
paign. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, Staatsh. 1. p. 291. Sauppe supposes the 
generals here meant were Autocles, Cephisdodotus, Leos- 
thenes, Callisthenes, and Chares. 

ἀνδραποδιστῶν, kidnappers. This term denotes not only 
those who seized and carried off free persons into slavery, 
but likewise those who enticed slaves away from their mas- 
ters into their own service. tym. Mag. p. 102. 





sD tall 


NOTES. 139 


λωποδυτῶν, grassatores, clothes-stealers, knaves' who 
robbed people in the street of their clothes. Cf. Lopeck 
ad Phrynichum, p. 461. Xen. Mem, I. 2. 62, λωποδυτῶν, 
grassando vestes. 

§ 48. ““ περιιόντες sunt, qui in foro obambulant halucinan- 
tes Philippum longe aliis curis distentum abhorrere a bello 
cum Atheniensibus.”” Ruxrp. Cf. supra, § 10. An in- 
veterate hatred existed between the Thebans and Lace- 
dzemonians, which for a long period kept Greece in a state 
of discord. Hrrren, Hist. States of Antig. p. 208 seq. 
The insolence of the former after their victory at Leuctra, 
b. C. 371, had also greatly incensed the Athenians, who 
desired nothing so much as to see their power humbled. 
Cf. Or. de Cor. § 18. 

τὰς πολιτείας. democratic forms of government. Cf. Har- 
POCRAT. s.v. Herm. Antig. Gr. § 52. Antstor. Pol. IV. 
10. 11, ἃς νῦν καλοῦμεν πολιτείας, οἱ πρότερον ἐκάλουν δημοκχ- 
ρατίας. 

διασπᾶν, used figuratively in regard to abrogating laws. 
XEN. Cyr. VIII. 5, νόμους διασπᾶν πειρᾶται. 

οἱ δ΄, sc. φασι. 

ὡς βασιλέα, to the king of Persia. ὡς is used for εἰς de 
reanimata. Cf. Herm ad ViGER. p. 850. 

ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς πόλεις. Ilyria was conquered by Philip, Ol. 
106. 1 (B. C. 356). Diop. S1c. XVI. 8 et 22. Vorm. 
Proleg. ad Phil. I. et Olynth. § 20. Tourreil supposes that 
Philip caused these reports to be circulated at Athens for 
the purpose of blinding the people and making them be- 
lheve he was directing his aim to the north rather than 
to the south. 

ἕχαστος, joined with a plural verb. Cf. Marru. Gr. 
§ 901. Wor: alii suas quisque commenti fabulas obam- 
bulamus. 

§ 49. μεθύειν. THos. Magister, in reference to this 
passage, remarks that μεθύω was used, not only to denote 
the excitement produced by wine, but‘also that arising from 


140 PHLIGIE Fics. 


good fortune, a sudden accession of wealth, and the like. 
The same trope is common to nearly all languages. 

ὀνειροπολεῖν. HERMOG. περὶ τρσπῆς : κοινὸν γάρ ἔστι τῶν 
μεθυόντων τὸ ὀνειροπολεῖν. Tourreil interprets, Moi, je com- 
prends bien, Messieurs, que Philippe enivré de ses succés 
roule dans sa téte beaucoup de chimeres semblable, d@ autant 
plus quil n'appercoit pas le moindre petit obstacle qui les 
dérange. 

ἐρημίων, absence. 

ἐπηρμένον, part. of ἐπαίρεσθαι, to be elated. Enorgueillé 
de ce quil a déja fait. AUGER. 

οὐ μέντοι ye, non tamen certe. Cf. Hurm. ad ViGcER. 
p. 842. The dependence of construction on οἶμαι continues. 
Philip was notoriously the most crafty diplomatist of his 
time, which heightens the force of this sarcasm against 
those who flattered themselves that they saw through his 
plans. 

λογοποιοῦντες, equivalent to λόγους πλάττοντες above, in- 
ventors of fables, story-tellers. ‘These are not to be con- 
founded with λογοποιοί, historians. Cf. HaRPocrat. 8. v. 

§ ὅθ. ἐκεῖν᾽ relates to what follows, but ταῦτ᾽ to the 
preceding rumors about Philip. The sense is, But if, pay- 
ing no attention to those rumors, we understand this, that 
the man is our enemy, etc. 

ἄνθρωπος. Cf. § 9, and Or. de Cor. § 139. 

ἀποστερεῖ. The present, denoting frequent repetition, is 
continually depriving. This verb governs two accusatives. 
Cf. Xen. Anab. VI. 4. 23: 

τινα. This is generally thought to refer to Charidemus 
of Oreos. Cf. Vorm. Proleg. ad Phil. I. et Olynth. § 27. 

εὕρηται sc. Φίλιππος. Reiske conjectures that the par- 
ticiple πράξας has fallen out of the text, and ought to be 
restored: The suggestion has not been approved, yet most 
of the critics agree that it should be understood. The 
sentence then signifies, Whatever-we hoped some one would 
do for us, he is found to have done against us, and the rest 
depends on ourselves, etc. 


eters 
er F 


‘ 


NOTES. 141 


κὰν for καὶ ἐὰν. 

ἐχεῖ, i. 6. in Macedonia. 

τὰ δέοντ᾽ ἐσύμεθ᾽ ἐγνωχότες, we shall understand what is 
necessary to be done, what our true interests demand. 
᾿ λόγων. Cf. ad supra, § 47. 

ἅττα for ἅτινα, or ὅσα. Cf. Harpocrart. 8. v. ἅττα. 
The idea is, For it is not necessary to inquire (i. 6. to 
speculate) what things are going to happens but to know very 
well that they will be adverse, unless, &c. The order of 
construction is: ov γὰρ δεῖ σχοπεῖν ἅττα mor’ ἔσται, ἀλλὰ : 
[δεῖ] εὖ εἰδέναι ὅτι [ἔσται φαῦλ᾽ ξὰν μὴ, κ- τ. λ. 

ὃ 51. The orator sony with a brief apology for. the 
severity of his censures, urging his habitual candor and his 
sincere desire to serve the public interests. 

μὲν οὖν. A customary formula in advancing to the close 
of a discourse, and referring rather to the whole tenor of it 
than to any particular part. Herm. ad Vicer. p. 845. 

ἄλλοτε. Of the public orations which Demosthenes had 
delivered previous to the present, there are still extant those 
adv. Leptinem, adv. Aristocratem, adv. Androtionem, de 
Classibus, and pro Megalopolitis. Cf. Ἐς A. Woxr, Prol. 
ad Lept. p. 56. 

πρὸς χάριν εἱλόμην λέγειν. The aorist expresses the idea 
of repetition or habit. The sense may be thus given: I have 
never been in the habit of saying, for the purpose of winning 
popular favor, what I was not convinced would be salutary 
for the commonwealth, etc. 

6 τι--- μὴ, nisi, nisi quod. Cf. Herm. ad VicER. p. 849. 

ἃ γινώσκω. XuN. Anab. 1. 8. 12,0 τι τις γιγνώσκει ἄρισ- 
τον εἶναι. 

ὑποστειλάμενος. A figure derived from nautical affairs. 
ὑποστέλλεσθαι τὰ ἱστία, to take in sail; hence,ovdey ὑποσ- 
τειλάμενος signifies, keeping nothing back without reservation. 
Sratus. ad Puar. Apol. Soc. X. λέγω οὐδ᾽ ὑποστειλάμενος. 
— ὑποστέλλεσθαι, dissimulare. The orators were said to 


contract sail, when they cautiously touched upon topics 
; 13* 


142 PHILP PLE ΝΗ 


which were likely to excite a storm of popular indignation, 
thus avoiding a free expression of their sentiments. Cf. 
Olynth. I. § 16. 

᾿Ηβουλόμην δ᾽ ἄν. This refers to the time in which he 
had been speaking, not to the present or future. The sense 
is, I should have liked to know (viz. while I was speaking) 
that my sincerity would likewise benefit me, for (in that case) 
I shouid have spoken with more ease. The passage is usu- 
ally so rendered as to imply an apprehension of future harm 
in consequence of his boldness. But the formulas Ἠβουλό- 
yyy ἄν, -- ὧν εἶπον, and the change of time expressed by 
the following Novy 6’, forbid such an interpretation. Con- 
cerning this construction see Schormann de Arist. Hered. 
§ 1; Vier. p. 479; Marru. Gr, §"509; ΒΕ ΝΑ πη, 
Gr. Synt. p. 878 seqq. Cf. Or. de Fal Leg. § 40. 

ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλοις... ἐπί expresses opposition and should be trans- 
lated notwithstanding. So WrEsTERMANN (edit. 1853), un- 
geachtet der Ungewissheit, bei aller Ungewissheit der Folgen 
fir mich. —toie ... . γενησομένοις, equivalent to relative and 
verb: which will befall me. Compare a similar passage in 
Tuucyp. VIII. 97. Ἐπὶ δ᾽ οὖν τοῖς ἠγγελμένοις οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
γαῦς τε εἰχοσιν ὅμως ἐπλήρουν, where also this particle conveys 
the notion of firmness and perseverance. Cf. Dem. in Mid. 
§ 30. The orator speaks freely, and risks the uncertain 
consequences. 

ἐπὶ τῷ. Here, on the contrary, ἐπὶ indicates the reason. 
The order is: αἱροῦμαι λέγειν ἐπὶ TH πεπεῖσθαι ταῦτα συνοίσειν, 
ἐὰν πράξητε, which Auger renders, nunc quanquam incertum 
est quidnam hinc consecuturus sim, tamen quid persuasum 
habeo hac factu vobis utilia fore, heec loqui aggressus sum. 

Nien δ᾽... συνοίσειν, May that measure prevail which 
will conduce to your general good. ‘This patriotic sentiment 
is repeated at the close of several orations. Cf. Olynth. III. ; 
Or. Pro. Megalop. 


Prerirr eC Er: 


THE peace concluded in the second year of the 108th 
Olympiad, B. C. 347, between Macedonia and the Grecian 
cities, was welcomed with particular joy by the people of 
Athens, who hoped thereby not only to obtain relief from 
‘the burdens of a long and disastrous war, and security from 
further aggressions on the part of Philip, but also to effect, 
through the cooperation of the latter, the humiliation of 
their hated rivals, the Thebans. Another object which they 
had much at heart was to save the Phocians, whose cause 
they had warmly espoused in the Sacred War. But their 
expectations in regard to both were doomed to disappoint- 
ment. Philip had artfully deferred taking the oaths of 
ratification until he had completed his preparations for an 
invasion of Phocis, and was already on his march to the 
south with a formidable army. At length, on arriving at 
Phere, a city of Thessaly, he ratified the treaty,.but with 
the express exclusion of the Phocians from its benefits. He 
had succeeded in corrupting several members of the Athe- 
nian embassy during their sojourn at his court, and these, 
upon their return to Athens, had so misrepresented to their 
fellow-citizens Philip’s intentions, as to prevent their sending 
a force to oppose him till the news arrived that he was 
engaged in ravaging the Phocian cities. The conquest of 
that country was completed in an exceedingly short space 
of time, and soon afterwards a letter came from. Philip, 


desiring the Athenians to give themselves no further trouble 
[143] 


141 PHI EDP eit, 


about the Phocians, who had not been included in the 
treaty, and whom he had already reduced to submission. 

Phocis, having thus become a Macedonian province, was 
directly stripped of all national importance; it was deprived 
of its share in the Delphian temple and of the privilege of 
a seat and vote in the assembly of Amphictyons, who 
elected Philip to take their place, as the reward of his’ 
pious zeal. The Athenians were also punished for their 
alliance with the robbers of the temple by the loss of the 
προμαντεία, or right of precedence in consulting the oracle, 
and of presiding at the Pythian games, — privileges which 
they had long enjoyed, but which were now transferred to 
Philip. Orchomenus, Coronea, and other Beotian towns 
previously held by the Phocians, were compelled to re- 
ceive Theban garrisons. Philip, being now more powerful 
than ever, returned with his army to Macedonia, leaving, 
however, a body of troops at Thermopyle, that the way 
into Beeotia and Attica might remain open to him. Demos- 
thenes declares the traitorous collusion of A‘schines and his 
coadjutors in the embassy to be the cause of these losses 
and disgraces ; and there seems to be no reason to doubt that, 
whether intentionally or not, their counsels prevented the 
Athenian Assembly from adopting those energetic measures 
by which they might have been averted. The effect of the 
peace, under these circumstances, was to revive in the breast 
of every honest patriot the old resentment and distrust to- 
wards the king, who, on his part, regarded it as one step 
further gained towards the accomplishment of his great plan, 
the supreme control of the whole of Greece. 

Not the least of the evils resulting to Athens from this 
peace was the opportunity it afforded Philip of procuring 
himself a party there by means of presents and favors, as 
he had already done in other states. Numbers of men of 
all classes, even statesmen and orators, sold themselves to — 
him, and employed their talents and influence to promote 
his interests. The patriotic orator had new encmies now 





x 


INTRODUCTION. 145 


to contend with, and those the more formidable because 
they met him on his own ground and wielded the same 
weapons which stood at his command. A%schines, a man 
inferior only to Demosthenes himself in oratorical ability, 
was the leader of this band of traitors. He was a person 
of ignoble origin, and had in his youth been obliged to re- 
sort to a variety of humble avocations for a livelihood, 
among others that of a player, in which capacity he seems, 
notwithstanding his fine voice, to have been often greeted 
with hisses rather than with applause from his audience. 
His talents, however, which were remarkable, and which he 
cultivated with unwearied assiduity, gained for him the notice 
and patronage of several influential statesmen, and thus pro- 
cured his enrolment (though by fraud, as Apollonius says) on 
the list of Athenian citizens. In the early part of his politi- 
cal career, he was a radical and a demagogue, and at the 
period here spoken of there were few statesmen that enjoyed 
in so high a degree the confidence of the people. He was a 
member of the embassy sent to treat with Philip in regard 
to the peace, but was not proof against the insinuating 
attentions and presents of that wily monarch; and after 
prevailing with his colleagues to consent to a highly disad- 
vantageous treaty, he returned to Athens one of the king’s 
most enthusiastic admirers and supporters. In defence of 
Philip’s interests he was warmly seconded by Philocrates, 
an unprincipled demagogue, who omitted no opportunity of 
weakening Demosthenes’s influence by ridiculing his abste- 
mious habits and scrupulous patriotism. One of the principal 
objects of the orator in the Second Philippic is to place 
these perfidious citizens in their proper light before his 
countrymen, and to induce the latter to hold them repon- 
sible for the deplorable condition to which the state had 
been brought by their false counsels. 

In the latter part of Olympiad 108, B. C. about 346, 
troubles arose in the south of Greece which seemed likely 
to involve the country in a general war. They originated 


146 PHILIP LIC 


in the attempts of the Lacedsemonians to recover possession 
of Messene, whose independence had been established by 
the Thebans under Epaminondas. The former oppressions 
of Sparta still rankled in the minds of the people of Wes- 
tern Peloponnesus, and’ the cause of Messene was directly 
espoused by the Argives and Arcadians, by whose aid the 
Lacedzemonians were repulsed ; but the Messenians, fearing 
the result of the quarrel, solicited Philip, to interfere in 
their behalf. The king eagerly availed himself of such a 
favorable opportunity of establishing his authority in the 
south, and ordered the Lacedzemonians to desist from their 
purpose ; at the same time, he encouraged the confederated 
cities to renewed resistance, promising them aid in money 
and troops. These were accordingly sent, with the intima- 
tion that he would follow soon after to take the command 
in person. Athens, warned by the tragical termination of 
the Phocian war, made an earnest effort to arrest a strife 
from which the most terrible consequences were to be ap- 
prehended: An embassy, composed of Demosthenes and 
several other statesmen of acknowledged integrity, was de- 
spatched to the Peloponnesian cities, with the view of pre- 
venting, by their persuasions, the outbreak of a war; and the 
vivid picture which they drew of Philip’s faithless character, 
even towards his friends, decided the people of Messene and 
Argos to relinquish their purposed attack upon Sparta. As, 
however, they still continued to maintain friendly relations 
with Philip, a second embassy, of which Demosthenes was 
also a member, was sent for the purpose of detaching them 
from his alliance, and inviting them to form a league with 
Athens. These missions failed to produce any material effect. 
The orator cites, in this Second Philippic, a portion of his 
address to the people of Messene, which, he says, they highly 
applauded and approved, but were still unwilling to renounce 
his friendship and flattering promises. 

These open attempts to counteract his influence in the 
south did not pass unnoticed by Philip. He sent an embassy 








INTRODUCTION. 147 


to Athens, headed by the celebrated orator Python, who 
was instructed to protest against the groundless charges of 
bad faith which had been so publicly made, and formally 
to deny that he had ever broken his word to the Athenians. 
At the same time envoys arrived from Messene and Argos, 
at Philip’s instigation as it is believed, for the purpose of 
complaining to the people of their having abetted the 
Lacedeemonians in their designs upon the liberties of the 
Peloponnesian cities. It was on this occasion that Demos- 
thenes delivered the second oration against Philip, which 
appears to have been pronounced before an assembly con- 
vened for the purpose of deliberating what answer should 
be returned to the envoys. This is, however, made subor- 
dinate to the orator’s main object, which is to excite the 
suspicion and resentment of the people, on the one hand, 
against Philip, whom, from his conduct since the peace, 
they have reason to regard as their enemy, and, on the 
~ ether, against the venal orators who had served as his in- 
struments to overreach them. 

He begins by observing that the speeches he was accus- 
tomed to hear, setting forth Philip’s violations of the peace, 
were just and good so far as they went, but that it was 
much easier to prove his infractions of the treaty than to 
advise what course ought to be pursued; that, if they 
wished to find a remedy for their present evils, and to check 
Philip before he became too formidable to be resisted, it 
_would be necessary to change the manner of their delfbera- 
tions, seeking what would be most beneficial and salutary 
rather than what was easy and agreeable. He is astonished 
that any man can look at the vast increase of Philip’s power 
and acquisitions, and think that it bodes no danger to. 
Athens. He himself is of a different opinion; he regards 
the king as their enemy, from reasons drawn from his con- 
duct after the conclusion of peace, —his seizure of the 
strait of Thermopyle, and his barbarous treatment of the 
Phocians. As to his having preferred to favor the wishes 


148 PHLLIPPIC Il. 


of Thebes instead of furthering the views of Athens, that 
was simply a calculation of self-interest, and showed how 
correctly he had judged the character of the two states. 
He knew that the former were sordid enough, not only to offer 
no obstacle to his designs against the liberties of Greece, 
but to assist him in their subjugation, provided they could 
gain anything by it; while he was aware that no prospect of 
private advantage could ever bribe the Athenians to abandon 
their common rights or surrender the national indepen- 
dence. He was actuated by similar motives in his alliance 
with the Argives and Messenians, whose ancestors had for- 
merly taken sides with the barbarians against their own 
country. 

It is reported that Philip is beginning to regard Thebes 
with suspicion, and is in consequence fortifying Elatea. Be 
that as it may, it is certain that he is furnishing the Messe- 
nians and Argives with the means of crushing the Lacede- 
monians, and it is absurd to think that he, who is so intent 
on destroying the enemies of Thebes, is going to restore 
Phocis, which he so lately ruined.. Nor has he, as some 
allege, acted from compulsion, nor done anything incon- 
sistent with his settled plan, that of concentrating his whole 
strength against Athens. His great aim is to extend his 
empire, and he regards the Athenians as the only obstacle 
in his way. He is conscious of having injured them for a 
long time, and knows that they are aware of it; and giving 
them credit for good sense, he thinks to avoid the conse- 
quences of their just hatred by anticipating their action. 
To this end he ingratiates himself with the Thebans and 
some of the Peloponnesians*of a like stamp, whose avarice 
and obtuseness of mind prevent them from looking beyond 
the present. 

Demosthenes here takes occasion to give an extract from, 
or rather the substance of, a speech he had delivered before 
the Argives and Messenians in his recent embassy, in which 
he besought them not to give ear to Philip’s fair professions 


INTRODUCTION. 149 


and promises, but to take warning from the fate of the 
Olynthians and Thessalians, whose confidence in him had 
led to their ruin. ‘* The security of states,’ he had told 
them, ““ consisted not in walls and ramparts, but in jealousy 
and distrust, especially in the case of free cities towards 
tyrants, who were the natural enemies of freedom and of 
constitutional governments.”” He warned them, therefore, 
to take care, lest, in seeking to get rid of the war, they 
should happen to find a master. The people of Messene, 
though expressing a most hearty approbation of these sen- 
timents, could not, however, be prevailed upon to dissolve 
their connection with Philip. But, inconsistent as this con- 
duct was, that of the Athenians was still more glaring, on 
account of their superior intelligence. ‘It is not surprising,” 
says the orator, ‘‘ that the inhabitants of Messene and other 
towns should act contrary to what their reason dictates ; 
but you, though fully aware of Philip’s insidious designs, 
are unconcernedly awaiting every danger; so much do 
present ease and pleasure outweigh future consequences.” 
Then follow his first loud complaints of the persons by 
whose false representations the people had been persuaded 
to conclude the disgraceful peace, of which the most odious 
feature was, that it was made binding even on their poster- 
ity. He anticipates what will be the grief and resentment 
of his hearers when they come to experience the conse- 
quences of the deception practised upon them, but at a 
time too late to repair the mischief. He wishes it to be 


’ borne in mind who it was that counselled them to leave the 


Phocians to their fate, thus opening to Philip the way into 
the heart of Greece. For had they not been beguiled into 
that imprudence, the king would not have been able to in- 
vade Attica, either by sea or by land, but would have been 
cautious how he again provoked a contest which he had 
before been so desirous of bringing to a close. The speaker 
concludes with the earnest wish that his anticipations might 
14 


150 PHILEPPRIC-TIE. 


not be realized, for he would not that any, however desery- 
ing, should suffer a punishment that would be attended 
with the destruction of the republic. 


81. των ---- λόγοι γίγνωνται, x. τ. 2., As often as speeches 
are made, etc. Since the conclusion of the peace into which 
‘Philip had inveigled the Athenians, rather for the purpose 
of lulling their suspicions with regard to his designs upon 
Greece than because he had any real intention of desisting 
from his aim, he had been busy in extending his conquests 
in the north, and in augmenting his influence among the 
Grecian states. Some of these he had won over to his 
alliance, by benefits actually conferred, or by promises 
of aid in their plans of aggrandizement. Others which 
were obnoxious to him he had either subdued by force or 
intimidated; even in Athens his flattering attentions and 
presents had secured him a party not inconsiderable either 
in point of numbers or influence. His overreaching policy 
did not, however, escape the vigilance of the true friends of 
Athens, who discovered too late, that, in consenting to a 
league with an unprincipled and ambitious monarch, they 
had manacled their own hands, and deprived themselves of 
all pretext for making any active opposition to his movements. 
These offered a fruitful theme of discussion for the Athe- 
nian orators, and were the occasion of many an excellent 
Philippic, if we may judge from the compliment which 
Demosthenes here pays them. They failed, however, in 
the most important point, that of indicating the proper 
means of meeting or avoiding the dangers which evidently 
threatened them. 

πράττει καὶ βιάζεται. The former of these verbs relates 
to the activity of Philip in securing alliances and otherwise 
strengthening his power; the latter is more specific, and 


NOTES. 15] 


comprises simply his direct violations of the articles of the 
treaty. πράττει is employed in the general sense preserved 
in our word practise, which is admirably defined by Krue- 
ger: πράττειν ist die geschdftige, ποιεῖν die schaffende 
Thdtigkeit. A similar distinction obtains when πράττειν is 
used in connection with other verbs, which in such case 
denote species of action. Cf. Phil. I. § 20, and note. The 
explanation of Ruediger, πράττει καὶ βιάζεται, i. q. βιαζόμε- 
γος πράττεται, is therefore inadmissible, since the expression 
comprehends indefinitely more than what could be construed 
into a violation of the peace; for example, his subjugation 
of the Phocians and other countries not included in the 
treaty, and other measures for magnifying his power noticed 
in the course of the oration. 

ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, in our favor, in opposition to those made by 
Philip’s partisans. 

δικαίους καὶ φιλανθρώπους, fair and plausible. D1ssEn ad 
Or. de Cor. § 298, renders, φιλανθρωπία λόγων blanda verba. 
We have the word in a similar sense in Or. in Mid. § 75: 
οὔτε φιλάνθρωπον... .. πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς ποιήσοντα. Com- 
pare also Or. de Fal. Leg. 8140. In the oration in Lept. 
§ 90, it is used in opposition to ὦὠμύτης, truculentia, at which 
passage F. A. Wolf quotes the words of Aristides to the 
Athenians : Ὑμῖν φιλανθρωπίας, ἐκείνοις δ᾽ (sc. the Thebans) 
ὠμότητος περίεστιν. The Athenians boasted of this virtue, 
and therefore the word was particularly agreeable to them. 

φαινομένους — dSoxovrtag. Bremi1: ‘ Verba bene delecta. 
Φαίνεσθαι de pondere orationum, que certam habent per- 
suasionem, δοχεῖν de judicio quod homines ferunt de 118, 
qui Philippum accusant.” The latter word has reference 
to the opinion and judgment of the hearers. 

ta δέοντα, what is requisite, depending on λέγειν. It is 
equivalent. to the expression εἰς δέον λέγειν. Cf. Phil. I. § 14. 

γιγνόμενον δ᾽ οὐδὲν. All the commentators explain these 
words as signifying, but nothing is done. AUGER: nthil 
recte geri. Jacozs: Ohne dass doch jemals auch nur das 


152 ΡΉΓΙΠΠΡ ΡΟ: 


- 
Geringste von dem geschieht was zweckmdssig ist. They can 
have, however,,no reference to active measures, for the 
Athenians were at this time exceedingly anxious to maintain 
the peace, and no orator had ventured even to make a propo- 
sition to resume the war (cf. inf. § 8) through fear of ex- 
citing their displeasure. Demosthenes is speaking simply 
of the nature of these orations, in which he finds nothing 
pertinent or worth the hearing. The part. γιγνόμενον is used 
in the same sense as in Olynth. III. § 2: τοὺς μὲν γὰρ λύγους 
περὶ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαι Φίλιππον ὁρῶ γιγνομένους, where it is 
clearly equivalent to λεγομένους. Or. de Cherson. § 2. For 
the nature and uses of γιγνόμενος, cf. VIGER. p. 356 et seqq., 
and Herm. p. 778. Besides, what made their speeches not 
worth hearing? Because they dwelt only on Philip’s atroci- 
ties, without daring to approach the important question, how 
they were to be prevented. The orator explains his mean- 
ing of τῶν δεόντων below, § 5, by τὰ cwoorta. If this view 
of the passage is correct, which I hope is sufficiently proved, 
the sense may thus be given: J observe also that all those 
who accuse Philip are thought to say what the occasion de- 
mands, but in fact not a word, I had almost said, of what is 
requisite is offered, nor for which it were worth while to 
hear them. Concerning λόγους ὁρῶ, cf. Or. de Cherson. 
wie 

§ 2. εἰς τοῦτο. Olynth. III. 1, τὰ δὲ. πράγματα εἰς τοῦτο 
προήκοντα, and § 8, εἰς πᾶν ἡροελήλυθε μοχθηρίας τὰ παρόντα. 
Wolf: Sed eo jam tota respublica redacta est, ut quo magis 
et evidentius ostensum fuerit Philippum et pacem vobiscum 
factam violare et omnibus Grecis insidiart, eo difficilius sit 
suadere, quid agi conventat. 

ὅσῳ τις ἂν μᾶλλον καὶ φανερώτερον, the more and the 
plainer ; that is, the stronger and clearer the evidences of 
Philip’s faithlessness may be made. μάλλον is a separate 
comparative, not to be joined with φανερώτερον. 

(ίλιππον.. .. παραβαίνοντα .. . . ἐπιβουλεύοντα. ‘In hac 
re cardo hujus orationis vertitur.” Rurp. The real aim of 


NOTES. 153 


the orator, in this and several other orations (de Cherson. 
§ 85, Phil. III. §§ 8, 9.) is to group together Philip’s in- 
sidious encroachments so as to demonstrate the necessity of- 
open resistance. 

8 3. martes. Every body, including both speakers and 
hearers, as specified below. xmdvew depending upon δέον, 
which is used in the sense of the genitive δέοντος. Similarly, 
ἐξόν, Or. de Cor. § 30. This form is ambiguous, and may 
be in the nominative or the accusative. According to 
Martru. Gr. § 564, it is a nom. absolute ; but others regard 
it as an acc. abs.,as VIGER. 329 et seqq., HeRM. ad V1IGER. 
not. 213, Burrm. Larger Gr. ὃ 145, not. 10, and KuEHNER, 
Gr. § 312. 5. 

παριόντες (sc. ἐπὶ τὸ Bic), the orators. Cf. note to Phil. I. 
§ 1. The following τούτων Ruediger refers to the verbs 
γράφειν καὶ συμβουλεύειν ; but as these infinitives are governed 
by ὀχνοῦντες, it is more rational to refer it to the preceding 
ἔργῳ καὶ πράξεσιν. The idea is, We abstain from proposing 
such measures, fearing, etc. γράφειν, to introduce a bill or a 
decree ; συμβουλεύειν, to advocate a measure in the assembly. 

διὰ τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀπέχθειαν, lest we may incur your dis- 
pleasure. ““Ἡ πρός tive ἀπέχθεια duplicem habet signifi- 
cationem, subjectivam, odium quo aliquem prosequor, objec- 
tivam, odium quod est contra me apud aliquem.” Brent. 
An example of both these significations is contained in Or. 
de Coron. § 36. Comp. also Or. de Fal. Leg. § 85. 

ὑμεῖς οἱ καθήμενοι (sc. ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ), you hearers. Or. 
de Cherson. ᾧ 80, ἀλλ᾽ ὑμεῖς οἱ καθήμενοι οὕτως ἤδη διάκεισθε. 
ἘΠ᾿ 97: infer. 

ὡς --- ὧν and the less frequent ὅπως ἂν, with the optative, 
denote the means for attaining an end: Yow are better pre- 
pared than Philip for making speeches. BERNHARDY, Gr. 
Synt. p. 400. 

δικαίους, i. 6. defending the rights of Athens against 
Philip. 

ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἐστὶ νῦν, upon which he is now engaged ; ἐπὶ, with 

* 


154 PUTER PY? 0 oi. 


the genitive, here expresses intentness of mind, i. 4. περὶ ἃ 
σπουδάζει. Wour. 

§ 4. Συμβαίνει δὴ πρᾶγμα, The ὐνῆῆ 25. οἰ. 

- ἴσως, in an affirmative sense, very. 

ἔχειν. The inf., which is also the vulg. reading, is sup- 
ported by the normal Codex (2), and nearly all the others 
of the most acknowledged authority. Bekker has the ind. 
ἔχει, from one Codex T (cf. Rugp). They err, however, 
who regard ταῦτ᾽ as an accusative. The dialectic writers 
used συμθαίνει simply to denote the conclusion of a syllogism, 
which is then put in the nom. with the infin. Cf. Bern- 
HARDY, Gr. Synt. p. 8332, who adduces the following pas- 
sage from Plato’s Phad.: τάδε ἡμῖν ξυμβαίνει, τῷ μὲν θείῳ 
ον ον ὁμοιότατον εἶναι ψυχή. ‘The expression συμβαίνει εἶναι 
means simply ἐστίν. See many similar examples collected 
by Zeunivus ad VicEr. p. 305. Hence it appears that ταῦτ᾽ 
and the words connected with it.are a mere explanation of 
πρᾶγμα, and consequently in apposition with it. This will 
appear more plainly, if we look at the order of construc- 
tion: ἀναγχαῖον πρᾶγμα συμβαίνει On... . ταῦτ᾽ ἄμεινον ἑκατέ- 
ροις ἔχειν, ἐν οἷς, κ. τ. A. 

§ 5. δικαιότερα, i. 6. proving that your cause is more 
equitable than Philip’s. 

τὰ παρόντ᾽, the,present difficulties. Cf. Or. de Pace init. 

προελθόντα pe ᾿ λήσει. The verb λανθάνω joined with ἃ 
participle has tMg signification of the Lat. adv. clam, and 
the part. is rendered as a finite verb. Cf. VicEr. p. 258: 
Kurnner, Gr. § 310. 4 (1.). Render, and not advance 
still farther wholly without our knowledge. , 

ἐπιστήσεται. ‘* Heec vox in medio habet notionem subito 
imminendi sibi adjunctam; hine Reiskii conjectura περιστή- 
"σεται per se corruit.” 


ἀντᾶραι. This verb is employed sometimes with and . 


sometimes without a direct object. Tuuc., III. 32, uses it 
with χεῖρας. Xen. Cyr. V. 4, ἢν μέντοι τις τῶν ἐμῶν ὅπλα 
ἀνταίρηταί oo. BEKK. Anecd. ἀνταίρειν : ἀντανίστασθαι, to 
resist. Cf. Olynth. Τί. 24. 





os 


NOTES. 155 


αὐτὸς τρόπος (sc. αἱρετέος ἐστὶ), Non eadem profecto con- 
sulendi ratio, que prius est adhibenda. Luccues. 

§6. etc .... θαυμάζω. Cf. Phil I. § 43. 

τοῦτο. 1. 6. ‘this increase of power 

ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς, i. gq. καθ᾽ ὑμῶν, εἰς τὸ καταδουλώσασθαι ὑμᾶς. 
H. Wotr. 

δεηθῆναι .... βούλομαι. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 6, ἀξιῶ καὶ 
δέομαι πάντων ὁμοίως ὑμῶν, ἀκοῦσαί μου. 

διὰ βραχέων, briefly. Ut meas rationes paucis audiatis. 
Wo.r. λογισμοὺς signifies conclusions to which he has 
arrived by a 

dv ove....dU wr. διὰ with the acc. refers to the reasons 
on account of which he apprehends the contrary; with the 
gen. it indicates the circumstances themselves by which he 
has been led to such conclusions. With δι᾽ wy understand 


- πραγμάτων. Cf. Roep. ad Olynth. I. 12. 


παρέστηκε. The pres. mid. παρίσταται used impersonally 
signifies, ἐξ occurs to me, it comes into my mind ; the perf. 
act., which is used as mid., signifies that the impression has 
ripened to conviction, answering to the Latin stat mihi sen- 
tenlia, persuasum est, etc. 

βέλτιον tov ἄλλων. ‘Cod. Dresd. τῶν ἄλλων servat et 
celeberrimus HERMANN mihi scribit ‘ nihil est cause cur 
τῶν ἄλλων omittatur. Boren. ΟΕ Orde. Pace, 17. 
— προορᾶν, see into the future. — 

ol... . πεπιστευκότες, Those who put their faith in 
Philip. - 

προσθήσεσθε, That you may take sides with them. Tlooott- 
θεμαί σοι is said for μετὰ σοῦ γίγνομαι. Dem. in Epist. 
Phil. p. 154, § 6, ὁποτέροις προσθεῖτο, τούτους ἑποίει κρατεῖν, 
whomsoever he joined he made victorious. Cf. farther, Or. 


9 99 


de Cor. § 39, § 195, and infra, § 12. 


§ 7. λογίζομαι, 1 take this view of the subject. 

Πυλῶν καὶ τῶν, x. τ. 2. Three years before this oration 
was delivered, directly after the ratification of peace, Ol. 
108. 2, Philip took possession of the strait of Thermopyle, 


156 PHY GEE ELG. Fa. 


and, advancing into Phocis, destroyed the cities and reduced 
the inhabitants to submission. The Phocians, who were 
allies of Athens, had not been included in the treaty, Philip 
pretending that he did nof wish to irritate the Thebans. 
The ambassadors who had been sent to receive Philip’s 
oaths to the treaty had scarcely returned to Athens, when 
the news came that he was already within the Thermopylae, 
and it was then too late to assist the Phocians. These cir- 
cumstances are related by Drm. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 57 et 
seqq., and Or. de Cor. ὃ 82 et seqq. Cf. Lipan. Arg. Or. 
de Pace, and WacusmutH, Gr. Antiq. I. 346. 

ἃ Θηβαίοις... .. προείλετο, He preferred to pursue a policy 
which was advantageous to the Thebans and unfavorable to 
the city. 

Τί δή ποτε; Quid tandem? The orator now proceeds to 
scrutinize in a masterly manner the policy of Philip, and 
putting himself, as it were, in his position, he reasons out 
his motives and probable intentions. 

πλεονεξίαν. This word, used either concerning individ- 
uals or states, signifies the desire to gain more than the laws 
or treaties permit. 

moos, in reference to. The force of the preposition is 
continued to τὸ... . . ποιήσασθαι, which is added by way of 
explanation, and not as another principle of action. This 
is one of the cases, frequent with Demosthenes, where the 
general and special notion are put in the same regimen. 
Cf. Bremi ad Phil. I. § 28. The expression is almost the 
same as Philip himself employs in announcing his conquest 
of Phocis to the Athenians: καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Φωκίδα ὑφ᾽ 
ἑαυτοὺς πεποιημένους. The letter is preserved in Dem. Or. 
de Cor. § 39. 

τοὺς λογισμοὺς ἐξετάζων, reasoning, making his calculations. 
Demosthenes represents Philip as regulating his entire 
policy according to the principle of self-aggrandizement, 
uninfluenced by any consideration of peace or equity. 

§ 8. εἶδε τοῦτ᾽ ὀρθῶς, Cod. Sand BEKKER. Vulg. οἷδε τ. ὁ. 





le ie ain 


NOTES. 157 


He jusily perceived this, etc. He judged us correctly in 
supposing that we were above any thing he was able to offer. 

ἤθεσι τοῖς ἡμετέροις, nostris moribus, i. 6. to a people of our 
character. Cf. Dissen ad Or, de Cor. § 114. 

τοσοῦτον. This, which is the reading of Cod. 3, seems 
more suitable than the vulg. τοιοῦτον, since the orator refers 
rather to the magnitude than to the nature of the induce- 
ment. 

τινὰς, i. 6. the Lacedemonians, whose power Philip wished 
to destroy. Cf. inf. § 15. 

πρύοισθε, sacrifice. 2. a. opt. m. προϊημι. ; 

δικαίου λόγον ποιούμενοι. Tlowicba doyor with the geni- 
tive, to make an account of, to esteem highly. Cf. ViGER. p. 
289. From ἀλλὰ he proceeds with great confidence, and 
this particle is employed to introduce what is certain and 
settled. I transcribe the translation of Wolf: Sed ct jus- 
titie rattionem habentes et dedecus cum ea re conjunctum 
fugientes et omnia que decet providentes eque adversaturos 
esse, si quid tale conaretur, ac si bellum gereretis. ὥσπερ 
ἄν (sc. ἐναντιωθίεητε.) 

8. 9. ἀντὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῖς γιγνομένων, x. τ. Δ. Render, in re- 
turn for the benefits accruing to them, would in future allow 
him to do as he pleased. Philip put them in possession of 
Orchomenus and Coronea, cities of Baeotia, which they had 
long coveted. Cf. infra, § 18. Derm. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 
141. 

οὐχ ὅπως. not only not ; equivalent to οὐ μόνον ov. VIGER. 

p. 432, and Herm. p. 788. ‘There is no necessity for sup- 
plying a negative. Cf. Or.de Cor.§ 131; Or. de Fal. Leg. 
8.60. Concerning the subject itself, see BRUECKNER, Kénig 
Philip, pp. 187, 198. 
᾿ καὐτὰ ὑπειληφὼς. forming the same judgment, viz. as he 
had done in regard to the Thebans. The orator narrates 
below, § 15, in what these benefits to Messene and Argos 
consisted. 

§ 10. καθ’ ὑμῶν, upon, in respect to you. Cf. Marru. 


158 PHI NIPPLE IL. 


Gr. ὃ 581; Or. de Cor. § 215, ἔδειξαν ἐγκώμια Θηβαῖοι καθ᾽ 
ὑμῶν τὰ κάλλιστα ; Or. de Fal. Leg. § 84, αἱ κατὰ Θηβαίων 
ἐλπίδες. 

ἐκ τούτων τῶν ἔργων, from these facts, i. 6. from these 
judgments of Philip, it is evident that you alone, etc. Con- 
strue, yao [ὑμεῖς μόνοι τῶν πάντων κέχρισθε ἐκ τούτων τῶν 
ἔργων ἂν προέσθαι τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια τῶν Ἑλλήνων μηδενὸς κέρ- 
dove. — ἄν with inf. likely, as in Phil. I. 8. 31. Concerning 
the gen. with verbs signifying to barter or to exchange, cf. 
Matru. Gr. § 364. 

ἀνταλλάξασθαι. Cf. Dum. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 2235 χαὶ 
οὐκ ἀνταλλαχτέον εἶναί μοι τὴν πρὸς ὑμᾶς φιλοτιμίαν οὐδενὸς 
κέρδους. Sometimes the prep. ἕνεκα is added to this gen., 
as Or. de Class. § 32. 

we ἑτέρως. Wolf considers ὡς redundant in this passage, 
from which Schaefer dissents, regarding we as exclamatory : 
‘¢ Non abundat, sed auget vim adverbii quasi dicas wt aliter!”’ 
But these learned critics, as well as Ruediger, who renders 
ganz anders, have overlooked the correspondence be- 
tween οὕτως --- ὡς, καὶ -τ-- καὶ, in this passage. The orator 
means that the judgment of Philip was equally correct”in 
both cases; literally rendered: he thought these things 
rightly, both so concerning you as also the contrary con- 
cerning the Argives and Thebans. - Cf. Drm. Or. de Cor. 
§ 85, where the learned Boeckh interprets we ἑτέρως so wie 
anders, which may be correctly applied here. On οὕτως --- 
we, see Passow, Gr. Lex.; Hom. Jl. IV. 178; Od. IV. 
148. 

τὰ πρὸ τούτων, the past, our previous history. 

5.11. Εὐρίσχει γάρ, x. τ. Δ. Comperit legens in annalibus 
et accepit ab hominum fama. REISKE. 

ἐξὸν, κι τ. Δ. See supra, § 8, The sense is, When it 
was in their power to rule the rest of Greece, provided they 
acknowledged allegiance to the king of Persia, not only 
spurning that proposal, ete. ὥστε = ἐφ᾽ WT, 80, i. 6. On 
condition that. KurEnner, Gr. Gr. § 341. 3. d. 


NOTES. 159 


᾿λεέξανδρος ὁ τούτων πρόγονος, the ancestor of these Mace- 
donian princes. The circumstance here alluded to occurred 
in the Persian war. Xerxes, on returning to his dominions 
after the battle of Salamis, left Mardonius, with an army of 
300,000 men, to finish the subjugation of Greece. Mar- 
donius, hoping to attain this object easier by corruption, 
sent Alexander, king of Macedonia, known by the cogno- 
men of (ιλέλλην, to offer to the Athenians the undisturbed 
possession of their own country, and whatever foreign 
territory they might choose, if they would enter into an 
alliance with the Persians. The Athenians rejected the 
_ proposition with indignation, and bade Alexander tell Mar- 
donius, that ‘‘as long as the sun held on his course they 
would never ally themselves with the king of Persia, but, 
trusting to the protection of the gods and heroes whose 
temples and images he had destroyed, they would oppose 
him to the utmost of their power.’’ They also warned 
Alexander not to venture to insult them a second time with 
such a message. At the same time they returned this an- 
swer to the Spartans, who had sent an embassy to admonish 
them of their duty: ““ Think not that any sum of goid is 
50 great, or any land so fair and fruitful, as to purchase our 
obedience to the Medes, and to induce us to aid in reducing 
the Greeks to slavery.”” Incensed by their obstinacy, Mar- 
donius again let loose his hordes upon the country, and 
captured Athens the second time, most of the inhabitants 
of which had taken refuge in Salamis. The offer was re- 
peated to the fugitives upon the same terms, and again as 
firmly rejected. As, however, Lycidas, one of the senators, 
showed an inclination to yield, and attempted to persuade 
the rest, he was stoned to death by the senators and people; 
his wife and children shared the same fate from the women. 
Not long after, Mardonius evacuated Athens, having first 
demolished the remaining temples and walls. This was 
followed in the same year (Ol. 75. 2), by the victory of 
Platea and the glorious battle won by Cimon over the 


160 PHILLEL REALL. 


Persian fleet at Mycale. Hrropor. VIII. and IX.; Tuuc. 
1.18; Luccuss. Hist. Pref. Or. de Class. ; Jacons, Anm. 
ad jhe; 

γλίχονται, aim at, strive for with zealous adulation. 

᾿ἔγειν. The difference between this and εἰπεῖν is, that 
the former represents the act of speaking as going on, 
whereas the aorist expresses a’ completed action, indicating 
the result or sum of what is said. 

τἀκείνων. ἐχεῖνος and χεῖνος were both used by the Attics, 
the former, however, much more frequently. ‘The expres- 
sion τὰ xewov occurs in Or. de Class. § 34. Cf. Lopecx ad 
παν θὲ 1. 

τῷ λόγῳ τις ἂν εἴποι, als man mit Worten aussprechen kann, 
Jacoss. The Greek language is extremely rich in pleon- 
astic formulas, which, uniting the general and particular or 
the abstract and concrete, exhibit a wonderful degree of 
exactness, and at the same time completeness of expression. 
In the effort to make the idea, as it were, objectively visible, 
it did not scorn combinations which in any modern language 
would be intolerable. I need only adduce one or two ex- 
amples: τοὺς φάσκοντας τῷ λόγῳ, Dem. Aristog. II. p. 807, 
where frequent repetition wants little of the duration ex- 
pressed by λέγεσθαι λόγῳ, Evrie. Hel. vy. 1054, or πόνους 
ποιεῖν, PLATO, Symp. p. 42. 

τοὺς δὲ Θηβαίων .... προγόνους. “ This acc. depends on 
the verbs εὑρίσκει and ἀκούει. 

συστρατεύσαντας τῷ βαρβάρῳ. NHeEroport. (VI. 108) re- 
lates that the Thebans assisted Xerxes in his expedition 
against Greece. XENoPHON (Hellen VII.) says, that they 
alone of the Greeks fought on Xerxes’s side at the battle of 
Platzea, and never afterwards made war against him. The 
Argives also, when they were solicited by the other states 
to join their confederacy, declined to do so, and, as the 
Lacedeemonians rejected the conditions of peace that were 
offered, they embraced the cause of the Persians. HrRopor. 
VII. 148; Ruep. Hist. Com. ; LuccuHeEs. p. 382. 





j 


an 


NOTES. 161 


§ 12. Οἷἶδεν οὖν, x. τ. 2., He knows, therefore, that both 
will consult their private advantage. ᾿“1γαπᾶν is construed 
by Demosthenes with the acc., when it signifies to aim at, 
lo attend to, as below, ὃ 19; with the dat. when it signifies 
to be content with something, to acquiesce in, ete. 

ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις. The prep. ἐπὶ denotes the condition: 
on terms of justice. In like manner, Dem. Or. de Cor. § 
87, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔφασαν τὴν συμμαχίαν πεποιῆσθαι, non 
dis se conditionibus coisse societatem dicerent. Wotr. 
The idea is, If Philip, knowing the principles of the Athe- 
nians, should choose them for his friends, he could not 
require from them any thing inconsistent with those princi- 
ples. 

τότε καὶ νῦν. When several adverbs of time are employed 
together, and one of them denotes the present time, the 
Greeks were accustomed to put the verb modified by them 
in the present time. Soph. Antig. v. 181, ed. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ: 


, S as Ἦν , ἘΞ 
κάχιστος εἴναι νῦν Te χαὶ πάλαι δοχεῖ. 


Demosthenes, Or. de Cor. § 31, speaking of his colleagues 
in the embassy corrupted by Philip, says, καὶ τότε χαὶ νῦν 
καὶ ἀεὶ ὁμολογῶ καὶ πολεμεῖν καὶ διαφέρεσθαι τούτοις. 

Οὐ γὰρ δὴ Aware that other motives might be assigned 
for Philip’s preference of Thebes and Argos as allies, than 
those he imputes to him, the orator meets these imaginary 
objections to his views. He does not prefer them on ac- 
count of their superior strength, “‘ for he does not find 
them in the possession of more ships, at least, than you,” 
etc. We have already noticed (Phil. I. 16) that Athens 
could man at least, 300 ships of war. Isocrates (Panegyr. 
81 ed. FELTON) says the Athenians possessed more ves- 
sels of war than all the other states together. 

οὐδ᾽ ἐν. The negat. οὐδ᾽ is to be referred to ἀφέστηκεν. 
The sense is, Nor, although he has obtained a certain inland 
dominion, does he scorn that of the sea and of commerce. 
Some prefer to interpret tw’ ἀρχὴν satis amplum imperium, 

15 


162 PHIEFEEIOG IL. 


{ 


intimating that, if Philip’s empire on land were sufficiently 
extensive, he would renounce the rule of the sea. But it 
is more consistent with the view which Demosthenes every- 
where takes of Philip’s insatiable ambition, to understand 
τινὰ in its most indefinite sense. Concerning the phrase, 
ἀρχὴν εὕρηκε, cf. Or. in Mid. § 196, μεγάλην ἀρχὴν .... 
εὑρηκώς. 

ὑποσχέσεις. That is, the promises which Philip made to 
the ambassadors of Athens in the so-called False Legation, 
though Philip denied that he had, either through them or 
in his letters, made any such promises. Cf. LiBanius’s 
Argument to this oration, and Or. de Fal. Leg. § 89, et 
seqq. I transcribe the following remarks of Lucchesini on 
this subject (Hist. Annot. ad Or. de Pace, p. 363): Facta 
concione renuntiavit Aischines quid actum foret, atque ad- 
didit regem promittere, nullum se damnum Phocensibus 
illaturum, instauraturum Thespias Plateamque, Thebanos 
depressurum, tpsis pecuniam Delphico Apollini restituendam, 
imperaturum, quam Phocenses abstulerant, res Thracie@ com- 
positurum, pro Amphipoli denique daturum Eubeam. Cf. 
Or. de Fal. Leg. § 20 et seq. 

§ 13. πάντα ταῦτ᾽ εἰδώς (se. Philip), knowing all this, 
1. 6. aware of the venal selfishness of Thebes~and Argos, 
as well as of their inferior naval advantages. 

τῷ .. .. ἀξιοῦν. The art. τῷ introduces the reason. - Lat. 
quod. Cf. VicrR. p.16. Render, because the demands of 
the Thebans were more just than ours. ‘‘ Postulaverant 
autem Thebani, ut Orchomenus, Coronea aliaque Bootie 


oppida in suam potestatem redigerentur.” FrRanKe. In - 


the following clause, καὶ before μόνον is intensive, and may 
be rendered by certainly: Of all reasons, this certainly 
it is not in his power to urge. 

πῶς av. ‘Take the words in the following order: πῶς ὧν 
22. σχήϊψαιτο πεποιηκέναι τῷ νομίζειν ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι δίκαια. 


ἌΟΙΕ: Quo pacto, Orchomeno et Coronea tum Thebanis 


tradita, se illa fecisse, quod equa esse putaret simulabit 2 


ταὶ 








ap τς 


NOTES. 163 


The grammarians explain σχήπτεσθαι by προφασίζεσθαι. 
Ruep. The history of Messene had been that of a per- 
petual struggle to maintain its independence against the 
encroachments of Sparta. At length, wearied out and 
continually in danger of being overpowered, they invited 
Philip to come to their assistance. Whereupon Philip, 
forming an alliance with them and some other states of the 
Peloponnesus, ordered the Lacedsxemonians to evacuate the 
Messenian territories. Pausan. IV. 27; Rvep. Comment. 
Hist..p. 155; Luccuss. ad Or. de Megal. p. 222. 

814. ᾿4λλ᾽ ἐβιάσθη (se. εἴποι τις av). Cf. Or. de Pace, 
§ 22. 

παρὰ γνώμην is equivalent to ἄκων, against his will. Cf. 
infra, § 16. 

ἐν μέσῳ ληφθείς, surrounded by. This verb in the passive 
often denotes merely the condition. Cf. Phil. I. § 18. 

Θετταλῶν. The Thessalians aided Philip in the Phocian 
war. Their strength consisted in their excellent cavalry 
which numbered above 3000, and if circumstances required, 
could be increased to double that number. ΧΕΝ. Hellen. 
VI. 1.8. Cf. Drop. Sic. XVI. 59. 

συνεχώρησε ταῦτα, he agreed to these conditions. HERoD- 
ot. IX. 35, συγχωρεῖν εἰρήνην, to agree to a treaty of peace. 
Cf. the Latin concedere, which is etymologically equivalent 
to συγχωρεῖν. and agrees with it in its intransitive and 
transitive meaning. 

Καλῶς. said ironically. 

ὑπόπτως ἔχειν is used inan active sense for ὑποπτεύειν. The 
verb μέλλειν very finely indicates a growing distrust towards 
the Thebans; as we should say, he is getting suspicious. 
Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 182, δυσκόλως τ᾽ ἔχειν καὶ ὑπόπτως 
πρὸς tov Φίλιππον. ᾿ 

λογοποιοῦσι περιιόντες. Cf. Phil. I. § 48, note. Elateia 
was the largest city of Phocis, though Delphi, on account 
of its temple, etc., was more celebrated. Borcknu, Staatsh. 
Il. 372. It was situated near the foot of the Gitean moun- 


164 PHIL Pe Vt. 


tains, on or near the river Cephissus. It: was considered a 
very important military position, aby reason of its command- 
ing the great thoroughfare from Thessaly into Phocis and 
Beotia. At the close of the Phocian war, the fortifications 
of Elateia, as well as those of all the other Phocian cities, 
twenty-two in number, were, according to a decree of the 
Amphictyons, levelled with the ground, Ol. 108.3. By 
his kindness afterward to the conquered Phocians, Philip 
excited the suspicion that he was about to rebuild the walls 
of Elateia. cei. Attic fut., denoting intention. 

S15. μέλλει καὶ μελλήσει. “ Significat μέλλω et futurum 
tempus et moram. Eleganter igitur ludit amphibolia signifi- 
cationis.”” Wotr. 

συμβάλλειν. The prep. σύν in comp. governs the dat. ; 
it conveys here the notion of help. Bekker in his ed. of 
1810, and Auger, συνεισβάλλειν; vulg. συνεσβάλλειν. The 
reading of the Cod. “Σ᾽ has been justly approved by Bekker 
in his subsequent ed., and by the recent editors; there 
being no allusion to any invasion. 

αὐτός ἐστι προσδόκιμος, He is expected in person, viz. in 
Peloponnesus. 

ὄντας emphatically signifies the present. 

ἀναιρεῖ. This should be understood simply as implying 
the endeavor to destroy. Demosthenes uses a strong term, 
in order to heighten the absurdity of such an opinion. 

ἀπώλεσεν. In obedience to the decree of the Amphic- 
tyons alluded to in § 14, the inhabitants of the twenty-two 
Phocian cities taken by Philip were separated into villages 
of fifty houses each, which were not allowed to be less than 
a stadium from one another. Borckxu, Staatsh. II. 373. 
Demosthenes thus describes the deplorable aspect of the 
country : “85 we came to Delphi, we were forced to witness 
all these things: houses torn down, walls levelled with the 
ground, the country destitute of men able to bear arms, 
nothing but wretched females, a few boys and miserable 
old men, — no one can describe the desolation that reigns 


there.” Or. de Fal. Leg. § 65. 


NOTES. 165 


σωΐει = ἀνασώζει, restores, in the sense of the fut. 

§ 16. οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἡγοῦμαι. _ The particle ἂν is to be referred 
to ἐναντιοῦσθαι. Auger and Reiske from the Dresd. aud 
Bav. MSS. read οὐκ ἂν. So Bekker also. 

ovr’? — οὔτ᾽ deny each hypothesis separately, and thereby 
strengthen the general negation. ‘The following is the 
exposition of Reiske: sive coactum et invitum Philippum 
illud prius ais fecisse, ut scilicet Thebanis Orchomenum et 
Coroneam condonaret, sive nunc de constantia et fide The- 
banorum desperare; non potest exputari causa ulla proba- 
bilis, cur Thebanorum inimicos, Lacedemonios atque Phocen- 
ses, odiis tam implucabilibus “insectetur, id quod facit. 
Ergo neque olim coactus indulsit Thebanis, que indulsit, 
neque nunc ‘malevolo erga eos est animo suspectosve habet. 
Falsa ergo sunt ea, que nostrates de Ekhopt cum Thebanis 


rationibus suspicantur et jactant. 
ἀπεγίγνωσκε. Cf. Phil. I. § 42. Render, Nor if he has 


now given up the Thebans despairing of their aid. The 


Thebans actually formed a league with the Athenians 
against Philip not long after. LuccHEs. 

ἐκ πάντων, on the whole. This, as well as the preceding 
ἐκ προαιρέσεως, is used adverbially. Cf. VicER. p. 597. 

συντάττων, plotting, machinating. Supply δῆλος ἐστι from 
the preceding. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 61 et seq., where De- 
mosthenes treats more fully of the distracted state of Greece 
at the period here alluded to, expatiating particularly upon 
Philip’s artful interference to heighten the discord. 

δ 17. τρόπον tn’, ace. abs. in some measure, quodammodo. 


’ Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 41. 


voy ye δὴ, nunc certe quidem. FRANKE. He is now, as 
it were, compelled to follow this course. 

Οἷς --- οὖσιν ὑμετέροις, which are in effect yours. 

τούτοις, dat. of instr. The sense is, By means of these 
places of yours he holds his other possessions in security. 
A glance at a map of Ancient Greece will make the idea 
clear; these towns formed a line of defensive positions 

15* 


156 ῬΉΓΙ ΠΡ ΘΗ - 


before Macedonia. The editions previous to Bekker have 
χοησθαι after ἔχει, which he, following Cod. 2, discarded. 
Ruediger defends it. 

οὐδ᾽ ἂν... «. ἡγεῖτο, ne domi quidem se tuto posse manere 
duceret. Wour. 

§ 18. Ev φρονεῖν δ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὑπολαμβάνων, κ. τ. 1., Regarding 
you as men of sense, he would naturally think, etc. Schaefer 
defends Bekker’s reading, νομίζει, citing the concurrence of 
Reiske: Nam ἂν neque ad istud neque ad hoc refertur, sed 
ad μισεῖν. Hxistimat, vos se st exost sitis, meritum odisse. 
This explanation is not quite satisfactory. What Philip 
thinks is here only a conjecture on the part of the orator ; 
and an inference thus drawn from circumstances would be 
fitly expressed by the optative. The argument is this: 
He is conscious of having injured you, and knows that you 
are aware of his machinations, and, as he believes you to 
possess good sense, he would justly suppose that you hate 
him. 

παρώξυνται, third pers. sing. of παροξύνειν, to goad on, to 
spur. Marra. Gr.§191.3. Phil. 111. 36. Cf” Olynih: 
I. 6, φημὶ δεῖν ἐθελῆσαι καὶ παροξυθῆναι καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ προσέ- 
χειν. 

τι, vulg. τι %ax0v, Which is clearly a gloss. The expres- 
sion, πάσχειν τι is too familiar to need illustration. WotLF: 
Et concitatus est, se aliquid accepturum putans, si occasion- 
em nanciscamini, nisi ipse anteverterit. AUGER and REIsKE, 
πούτερος φθάσῃ ποιήσας. Bekker corrected from the best 
MSS. φθάσῃ ποιήσας πρότερος. Matthid (Gr. § 554) regards 
πρότερον in such constructions as pleonastic. 

ἐγρήγορεν. The pres. of this verb, ἐγείρω, I rouse, wake, 
was not Attic; the form in the text is a sec. perf. and 
intransitive, is awake. From this perf. originated a latex 
form, éyonyooéa. LopecK ad Phryn. Ecl. p. 119. 

ἐφέστηχεν. Bekker places a comma after this word, and 
connects ἐπὶ τῇ πόλει with θεραπεύει, in which he has been 
followed by Baiter and Sauppe in their recent ed., Basle, 


ἃ 


NOTES. 167 


1846. But cf. Or. de Cor.§ 176, τὸν ἐφεστηκότα κίνδυνον 
τῇ πόλει. ᾿ 

Θηβαίους. Cod. &. Bekker retains the vulg. Θηβαίων, 
but tiwag does not refer to individuals, but states. 

τούτοις, sc. the Thebans. 

8.19. σκαιότητα τρύπων, stupidity of mind. The Athe- 
nians disliked the Thebans for their vulgar selfishness, and 
despised them for their stupidity. _ Demosthenes frequently 
alludes to them with contempt; as Or. de Cor. § 48, ἀναίσ- 
Onto. Θηβαῖοι, and Or. de Pace,§15. Cf. Hor. Ep. II. I. 
244, 


Beeotiim in crasso jurares aére natum. 


Pinp. Olymp. VL., τὴν πάλαι λοιδορίαν, Βοιωτίαν ὗν, ἀποτρί- 
ψαντες. _Tourreil renders this passage: Quw il croit trop 
interessés pour resister aux attraits d’un profit present, et 
trop stupides pour prevoir aucune des suites funestes de leur 
engagement. 

Καίτοι, κ. τ. 2., quamquam. Cf. Herm. ad ViGER. p. 837. 
And yet those at least who possess even a moderate share of 
aculeness can see plain proofs, sc. of his bad faith, and the 
evil consequences of trusting his professions. The orator 
here introduces a portion of the oration delivered on his 
embassy to Messene and Argos. It is a feature worthy of 
notice in the political intercourse of the Grecian states, that 
able orators were generally chosen as*ambassadors, who 
were permitted to act directly on the minds of the people 
to whom they were sent. The embassy here referred to 
was sent probably about Ol. 108. 4. Philip had conciliated 
the friendship of the Messenians, Argives and Arcadians, 
and, fomenting their ancient hatred towards the Lacede- 
monians, he promised to send troops to help them chastise 
the pride of the latter. Demosthenes and some others of 
the leading statesmen at Athens were thereupon deputed 
to the Peloponnesus for the purpose of dissuading them 
from this league. This is not to be confounded with the 


168 PH Lge c ΠΕΣ 

embassy in Ol. 109. 2, which is mentioned Ἢ Phil. II. 
sub. fin. Cf. Winrewsxi, Hist. Com. Or. de Cor, pp. 
137, 152 ;. Ronn. -Hist..Gom. Phil- Ly ps 186: 

§ 20. yao. This particle doubtless refers to something 
said before in the same oration. The inf. ἀκούειν is the 
pres. instead of the perf. Also in the following λέγοι and 
προσδοχῶν the present lends greater vividness to the illustra- 
tion. AvuGER: Quam egre, inquiebam, Messenit, audituros 
fuisse putatis Olynthios, si quis quid dixisset in Philippum 
illis temporibus quum Anihemuntem eis concederet. 

‘Arfsuovrta. Anthemus was a city of Macedonia in the 
neighborhood of Olynthus, the possession of which had 
long been an object of contention between that city and 
the kings of Macedonia. Tuuc. II. 99; Hueropor. V. 
94; Vorm. Proleg. ad Phil. 1. § 16. It was probably 
ceded to the Olynthians by Philip at the same time with 
Potidea. RueEp. p. 157. 

ἀποίκους. Colonists sent thither after the place was 
taken by Timotheus, the Athenian general, Olymp. 104. 1. 
The word ἄποικοι is often used for χληροῦχοι, i. 6. those to 
whom the lands of a conquered city were assigned by lot. 
Gij., Tisues Vice:  C. F. Herm. Gro Antig. S144. 

For the construction ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς, cf. supra, § 8. 
Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 85. Sich freiwillig mit unserm 
Hasse belastete und jenen die Benutzung des Landes verstat- 
tete. Jacoss. Observe the change to the pluperf.: he 
gave Anthemus and Potideea to the Choiiaes and there- 
fore had incurred our enmity, etc. 

ἄρα .... τοιαῦτα πείσεσθαι, Do you imagine they expected 
to suffer such calamities (as they have suffered) ? 

λέγοντος ἄν τινος. When a participle expresses a condi- 
tion, the particle ἄν is very frequently joined with it. Goxrt- 
ter ad Tuvuc. 1. 10. The expression is equivalent to ei τις 
Agyou. Cf. Phil. II. § 1; Marry. Gr. § 598. 

§ 21. τὴν ἀλλοτρίων, sc. χώραν. πολὺν. Supply χρόνον, 
from the preceding. According to the customs of Grecian 





N O*"MES. 169 


warfare, the entire possessions of the vanquished passed 
into the hands of the conquerors. The owners were either 
forcibly driven from their homes, or sold as slaves. Some- 
times the men were put to death, and the. women and 
children retained as slaves. Diop. Sic. XII. 46. In cases 
of extreme lenity, they were allowed to rent the lands from 
their new masters. Boxrcku, Staatsh. pp. 458, 462. 

αἰσχρῶς ἐχπεσόντες, ignominiously driven forth. ἐκπεσόντες 
dicuntur qui sedem, regnum, bona amittunt. Cf. XEN. 
Hellen. V.1. RveEp. 

προδοθέντες.... πραθέντες. Olynthus was betrayed into 
the hands of Philip by its two chief magistrates, Euthycrates 
and Lasthenes, whom the king had corrupted by money and 
other presents. Cf. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 265. Diodorus 
Siculus (Lib. XVI. 52) informs us that Philip plundered 
the city and sold the inhabitants into slavery. Cf. THrrr- 
WALL, Hist. Greece, Vol. V. p. 314. The traitors perished 
by a miserable death. Or. de Cherson.§ 40; Vorm. Proleg. 
ad Phil. 1. p. 106. 

πολιτείαις. democratic states. Cf. Phil. I. § 48. 

αὗται λίαν ὁμιλίαι, these too close friendships. αὗται is 
significant, and may be rendered such, that is, as you are 
about to contract with Philip. λίαν construed with a subst. 
Cf. Xen. Hellen, Il. 1, τὴν λίαν. ὕβριν. The inexpediency of 
such alliances of republics with monarchs is noticed by our 
orator in Olynth. 1. § 5: καὶ ὅλως͵ ἄπιστον, οἶμαι, ταῖς πολι- 
τείαις ἡ τυραννὶς, ἄλλως TE κἂν ὅμορον χώραν ἔχωσι. 

§ 22. Τί δ᾽ οἱ Θετταλοί; This is probably an abbrevia- 
tion of the very common interrogative phrase for TV δοχοῦσι 
ὑμῖν οἱ (Θετταλοί; concerning which ellipsis, vid. BERrn- 
HARDY, Gr. Syntax, p. 352. The sense of the question 
is quite the same as in § 20, Πῶς γὰρ οἴεσθ᾽, x. τ. λ. - 

αὐτοῖς. Dat. of advantage, adopted by BrEKKER from 
Cod. Σ᾿, instead of the vulg. αὐτῶ. Brent interprets, 
guum tis, —in eorum salutem,— tyrannos ejiceret. This 
event occurred, according to W1iNIEWSKI, in Ol. 106.4, 


170 PHTE@PPIC If. 


and. again. in Oli: 109. τὸ ΘΕ ΡΟ. RVI-69 ie 
former is the one here referred to. Cf. WIN. p. 49, note. 
Vid. also Olynth. I. § 18. 

Νίκαιαν. This city, of which no mention is made by the 
ancient historians, was situated on the coast a little east of 
the strait of Thermopyle. It was important chiefly on 
account of its position. Magnesia was a narrow tract of 
country lying along the eastern coast of Thessaly, inhab- 
ited by the Maznetes. There was also a city of the same 
name, aS we are informed by the Scholiast ad APoLLON. 
Ruop. 1. 584: Μαγνησία δὲ πόλις τῇ χώρᾳ ὁμώνυμος ἄγαν 
εὔδιος καὶ παραθαλάσσιος. Philip~had wished to fortify this 
city, but was prevented by the Thessalians.” Cf. Olynth 1. 
§ 22; Ruxrp. Hist. Com. p. 158. 

δεχαδαρχίαν. Demosthenes speaking of the same events, 
in Phil. 111. ὃ 26, asks, Ala Θετταλία πῶς ἔχει; οὐχὶ τὰς 
πολιτείας καὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν παρῇοηται, καὶ τετραρχίας κα- 
τέστησεν, ἵνα μὴ μόνον κατὰ πόλεις ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ᾽ ἔθνη δουλεύ- 
wow; i.e. But what is the condition of Thessaly? Has he 
not abolished their republics and their cities, and established 
Tetrachies, that they may be enslaved, not only by cities, but 
by nations? This apparent self-contradiction has been the 
subject of endless controversy ever since the time of Har- 
pocration (circa 850 A. D., VoEM.), who denies downright 
that Philip established δεκαδαρχίας in Thessaly. The fol- 
lowing are his words: Mihinmog μέντοι παρὰ Θετταλοῖς dex- 
αδαρχίας OV κατέστησεν, ὡς γέγραπται ἐν τῷ ἕχτῳ «Ῥιλιππικῶν 
(now called the Second Philippic) Δημοσθένους, ἀλλὰ τετραρ- 
χίας. Agreeably with this, many eminent critics, both in 
ancient and modern times, have adopted the opinion that 
Sexadaoyiay in the text should be changed to τετραρχίαν. 
But Demosthenes speaks of one decadarchy and of several. 
tetrarchies, in addition to which -the difference in the 
signification of the words could scarcely have -allowed 
any one to confound them. For δεχαδαρχία (1 adopt 

- the lucid exposition of VoEMEL), as used by Isocrates and 





NOTES. 171 


Demosthenes, signifies a decemvirate, a college of decemvirs, 
who possessed the supreme authority, hike the decadarchies 
established by the Lacedemonians, and the decemvirates of 
the Romans. Tezoaoyia, a tetrarchy, on the contrary, sig- 
nified prefecturam quarte partis terre, the province governed 
by a tetrarch, or simply his office. It is agreed among all, 
that Philip did not institute decadarchies in the above sense 
in Thessaly. Jacoss thinks that, after expelling the tyrants, 
he introduced a new form of government, which the orator 
designates by the term δεχαδαρχία, on account of the odium 
attached to that word arising from the oppressions of the 
Lacedzemonian oligarchies; and therefore that it is not to 
be understood literally as denoting any specific form of 
government, but a heavy yoke of oppression forced upon 
the cities of Thessaly. In this view he is followed by 
WacusmutH, Gr. Antiq. I. 2, p. 276, and hence also 
Weiske (de Hyperbole, P. III. p. 16) considers δεχαδαρ- 
χίας as used by oratorical exaggeration for τετραρχίας. But 
Voremet (Programme of the Frankfort Gymnasium, Sum- 
mer-Semest. 1830) has shown, with great learning and 
critical acuteness, that in reality no contradiction exists 
between the two statements of Demosthenes. Philip reés- 
tablished the ancient division of Thessaly into four parts, 
called Thessaliotis, Phthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Hestizotis ; 
over each of these parts he set a tetrarch, and, in addition 
to these, a general government of ten, or a decemvirate, for 
the whole of Thessaly. Among other proofs in favor of 
this view is the example of the traitor Eudicus, who is thus 
noticed by Harpocration: ἔὔδικος " 4ημοσθένης ἐν τῷ ὑπὲρ 
Κτησιφῶντος (Or. de Cor. § 48). εἷς δέ ἐστιν οὗτος τῶν κατασ- 
ταθέντων ὑπὸ Φιλίππου κυρίων Θετταλίας ἁπάσης. Philip 
could, therefore, correctly be said to have instituted both 
tetrarchies and a decadarchy (decemvirate) in Thessaly. 
In his oration before the Messenians and Argives, however, 
whom he wishes to prejudice against Philip, Demosthenes 
prudently employs the More odious term to remind them 


172 ΡΉΓΙ ΡΝ ΓΙ. 


of the Lacedemonian yoke under which they had already 
suffered so much, and which they thén especially dreaded. 

τὴν πυλαιαν. A seat and vote in the council of Amphic- 
tyons at Thermopyle. The delegates sent to it from all 
the cities composing the Amphictyonic confederacy were 
called πυλαγόραι (Harpocrar.; cf. Aiscuin. adv. Ctes. 
§ 124); or πυλαγόροι, as they were sometimes termed. Dis- 
5ΕΝ. ad Or. de Cor. § 154. The Thessalians very anciently 
belonged to the Amphictyons, but they appear to have for- 
feited their right to a seat in that council ( jus Thermopy- 
larum) in consequénce of their perfidy in the Phocian war 
(BruEeckneER, Konig Philip, p. 20); but they recovered it 
in ΟἹ. 108. 3, through the intercession of the Macedonian 
monarch. ~Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 65. 

τοῦτο» designates tov — ἀποδόντα more pointedly. 

προσόδους, revenues, duties paid at ports, markets, ete. 

οὐχ ἔστι ταῦτα is the answer to the preceding question, 
By no means, they had no such expectation. 

§ 29. παρακεχρουμένον. Harpocration say8 this word 
was taken from the tricks of fraudulent dealers, who, in 
weighing or measuring any commodity, pushed the scale or 
shook the measure in their own favor. Cf. Dem. Or. de 
Cor. § 276, ὅπως μὴ παρακρούσομαι μηδ᾽ ἐξαπατήσω; where 
DissEN says, Vow significat humilem fraudem, ut constat. Cf. 
also F. A. οι ad Lept. p. 291. Jacoss: so bittet die 
Gétter nie den Tatischenden und Betrigenden zu sehen. 

θεωρεῖτε --- ἰδεῖν. The former is used in allusion to the 
Stage, where he is contemplated from a distance as a mag- 
nanimous hero dispensing his benefits; the latter denotes a 
nearer view, by which the man is seen in his true character. 

δὴ. the same as ἤδη. but weaker. 

§ 24. Ἕν δέ mw. The indefinite pronoun, when joined 
with numerals, conveys the notion of a diminutive. RueEp. 
At natura hominum, qui mente, et prudentia valent, salutis 
presidium in se habet unum, commune omnibus, jirmissimum, 


salutare presertim vero popularibus imperiis contra tyran- 
nos. LuccHEs. 





NOTES. 173 


τοῖς πλήθεσι, democratic governments, used in the same 
sense as πολιτείαις, § 21. 

ταύτης ἀντέχεσθε, hold fast to this. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 185, 
ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς ἑαυτῶν καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας. 

οὐδὲν μὴ δεινὸν πάθητε. In negative sentences, the 
subjunctive is put after μή or ov μή instead of the 
future. In such elliptical expressions a word denoting fear 
was implied, corroborating the force of the negation. 
MattH. Gr. § 516; Bernuarpy, Gr. Syntax, p. 102. 
Bremi: “ οὐ φοβητέον, μὴ δεινόν τι πάθητε, sed τι cum nega- 
tione οὐ coaluit in ovde.” . 

Sen.) ir’. Cf. Phill. § 48. 

zai, even. REISKE supplies the ellipsis thus: ov μόνον 
τὰς γνώμας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας. The idea is, that 
Philip is the enemy of liberty, even in his titles. Compare 
ith this sentiment Or. de Cherson. § 43: πρῶτον μὲν δὴ 
τοῦτο Sei, ἐχθρὸν ὑπειληφέναι τῆς πολιτείας χαὶ τῆς δημοχρατ- 
las ἀδιάλλακτον ἐχεῖνον. 

γύμοις. 1 understand this word in the sense of δημοχρατ- 
twig or πολιτείαις as distinguished from monarchy and the 
like, in which sense the word is used by Dem. Or. contr. 
Timocr. 8.1. τί ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν ᾧ νόμος ὀλιγαρχίας διαφέρει, καὶ 
τί δὴ ποθ᾽ οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ νόμων ἐθέλοντες ἄρχεσθαι σώφρονες καὶ 
χρηστοὶ πολῖται νομίζονται, οἱ δὲ ὑπο τῶν ὀλιγαρχιῶν ἄνανδροι 
καὶ δοῦλοι. Cf. MrteR de Bonis Damaat. p. 2. 

Οὐ φυλάξεσθ᾽. The interrogation with the simple ov, 
instead of οὔκουν with the ind. fut., has the force of an 
exhortation. BreEmt. 7 

μὴ πολέμου. κ. τ. d., lest, while you seek to be freed from 
war, viz. with the Lacedeemonians, against whom, it will be 
recollected, the Messenians and others had implored the aid 
of Philip. Cf. supra,-§ 15. Drop. ‘Sic. XVI. 69. 

8 26. θορυβοῦντες ὡς ὀρθῶς λέγεται, declaring with ap- 
plause that these things were rightly spoken. Cf. Or. de 
Cherson. § 77, θορυβῆσαι καὶ ἐπαινέσαι. Ibid. § 31, θορυ- 
βεῖτε ὡς ὀρθῶς λέγει. ὲ 


174 PHILIP PIC EL. 


παρὰ τῶν πρέσβεων. Nempe ab tis qui una cum Demos- 
thene ad Messenios legati fuerant et quos Demosthenes illic 
reliquit prius discedens 0b causam nobis ignotam. AUGER. 

ὡς ἔοικεν are to be taken with πάλιν ὕστερον. VoEMEL 
removes the comma after goimev, so as to connect it with 
what follows; but this and similar parenthetical expres- 
sions with we refer, especially in the orators, to something 
preceding. 

ἄτοπον, surprising, because out of season. 

εἰ in the sense of oz. See Phil. 111. § 49. 

παρ᾽ ἃ τῷ λογισμῷ, x. τ. d., lit. contrary to what they see by 
reasoning to the best, or, as we say, contrary to what their 
reason tells them is best, against their convictions. 

§ 27. συνιέντες αὐτοὶ, x. τ. Δ. The reading of the 
Codex , which has been adopted in the text, is thus de- 
fended by FuNKHAENEL: Duplex pronomen αὐτοὶ ideo 
positum, quia duplex oppositio est: nam primum ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ 
dixit propter Messenios et Peloponnesi incolas quosdam, tum 
alterum αὐτοὶ propter verba xu... . ἀκούοντες ἡμῶν; vos 
ipsi, qui et ipst intelligitis et ex oratoribus auditis, que in- 
sidie vobis parentur, quantum circumvallemini, ete. 

περιτειχίζεσθε. The vulg. is supported by Codex Σ᾽ 
and by most of those compared by BEKKER, who, however, 
himself edits περιστοιχίζεσθε with REISKE. 

ὥστε in this passage presents that as a condition which 
is properly to be considered the cause: so you do nothing © 
now. This reading of the Codex & is fully sustained by 
the succeeding sentence. 

λήσεθ᾽. “ανθάνω joined with a participle usually supplies 
the office of an auxiliary. The sense is, In consequence of 
your present inactivity, you will unaware, as I think, suffer 
all { these evils]. 

§ 28. καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς, by yourselves alone; for it 
appears that the Peloponnesian ambassadors, as well as 
those of Philip, were present (cf. Lrnan. Arg.), in whose 
hearing it was not fitting to deliberate upon measures 
against “Philip. 





NOTES. 175 


ἃ δὲ νῦν, x. τ. 2., que vero nunc respondentes necessaria 
decreveritis, ea scilicet dicam. WoL¥F. ἀποχρινάμενοι τὰ 
δέοντ᾽ ἂν, i. 6. if you would give a proper answer. «ay is 
used in a potential sense. Lucchesini refers this reply to 
the embassy from Philip; guid autem respondendum Mace- 
donicis legatis decernere debeatis, nunc vobis exponam. Est 
modus loquendi Gracis usitatissimus pro ut respondeatis. 
ταῦτα δὴ λέξω. These words lead the reader to expect from 
the orator a discussion, or at least a recital of the response 
which he proposes to give the ambassadors in waiting. But 
instead of this, he proceeds abruptly to inveigh against the 
perfidious hirelings of the Macedonian, who had deluded 
them into a disadvantageous and disgraceful peace. Hence, 
some critics, (among others, Oxivret, LELanp, A. G. 
BrcKeER) have been led to believe that. through the fault of 
the copyists, the portion of the oration which treated of 
this response has been lost. This is, on the other hand, 
denied by VormeEL and RuepiceER (cf. Proleg. ad Phil. 11. 
p- 3); the latter conceives that Demosthenes submitted the 
response at the close of the oration, but on what ground 
this conjecture rests I am at a loss to imagine. Certainly, 
such a mode of proceeding would have been quite at vari- 
ance with the custom of our orator. This manner of in- 
troducing anew topic is very common with him, and he 
invariably satisfies the expectation which such formulas as 
ταῦτ᾽ ἤδη λέξω naturally excite. Compare, for example, 
Phil. 1.§ 29; Or. de Cor. §§ 60, 181,248; Phil. III. ὃ 55. 
And it is scarcely rational to suppose that he departed from 
his custom here, where the subject announced was the 
principal occasion of this oration. Further, there is an 
evident gap in the text, which it is difficult to explain, 
except on the supposition that Demosthenes in this place 
communicated to the Assembly the draft of a response 
which he had previously prepared (cf. BRuECKNER, Kénig 
Philip, p. 223), in which mention was made of Philip’s 
non-observance of the treaty, and the promises he bad indi- 


176 PHI LTP PEC EL. 


rectly made to the Athenians through %schines and the 
other traitorous ambassadors. From such a reply the tran- 
sition would be easy and natural to the castigation he pro- 
ceeds to inflict upon those men whom he denounces as the 
cause of their present difficulties. 

τοὺς ἐνεγκόντας τὰς ὑποσχέσεις, ἐφ᾽ αἷς, x. τ. λ., the bearers 
of those promises by which, etc. Understand esp. Ctesiphon 
and Aristodemus (cf. Or. de Cor. § 18), Neoptolemus, and 
others (cf. Or. de Pace, § 6, and de Fal. Leg. § 12 seqq.) 

καλεῖν, to summon them, that is, to prove that Philip actu- 
ally made the promises which he now denies (cf. LIBAN. 
Arg.), and to make them responsible to Philip. 

§ 29. ΄ ἄν move ὑπέμεινα. The ind. aor. accompanied by 
ἄν, particularly when it denotes the consequence of a con- 
dition, and both relate to a past action, has the sense of the 
pluperf. opt. Brernuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 391; Marra. 
Gres S08 Ὁ. COL PRAY δὲ 

᾿Αλλ ἦν. Construe ἀλλὰ τὰ τότε λεγόμενα ἦν πολὺ ἀφεστη- 
κότα τούτων. 

καλεῖν, understand again, ἦν δίκαιον. 

τοὺς, ὅτ᾽ ἐγὼ... . λέγοντας, those who said, when I, etc. 
He alludes particularly to Philocrates and Aischines. 

τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς ὅρκους, i. 6. the embassy sent to Macedonia 
to receive Philip’s oath to the peace. Cf. Dem. Or. de 
Fal. Leg. 88 57, 18; and Or. de Cor. § 25. 

αἰσθόμενος φενακιζομένην τὴν πόλιν. It was an express 
condition of the peace, that the allies of Athens should be 
included. When the embassy of which Demosthenes was 
one came to receive the oaths of Philip, the latter excepted 
from the peace the city of Halus and the Phocians. De- 
mosthenes, immediately on his return to Athens, made 
known his suspicions of Philip’s sincerity, and bis appre- 
hensions for the consequences; but the Athenians would 
not listen to him, and he was at length forced to sit down. 
It was on this occasion that Philocrates made use of the in- 
sulting expression to which the orator alludes in the words 


NOTES. 177 


’ 


ὕδωρ πίνων. ‘It is no wonder,” says he, ‘‘ that Demosthe- 
nes and I differ in opinion, for he drinks water, but I wine.” 
At this the people laughed. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 45 
seq., and BrurcKNER, Konig Phil. p. 207. He said this 
in allusion to the well-known Greek proverb: ὕδωρ δὲ 
πίνων, χρηστὸν οὐδὲν ἂν téxyg. For it was a common belief 
that a poet or orator who drank nothing but water was in- 
capable of glowing or elevated thoughts. Der Name eines 
Wassertrinkers, observes Jacoss, bezeichnete den geistlosen, 
nuchternen, aller Erhebung unfahigen. No better example 
of the contrary can be adduced than our orator himself, 
whose abstemiousness frequently drew upon him the ridi- 
cule of his enemies. Libanius says of him, ὕδωρ ἐπετήδευε 
πινεῖν, ἵνα ἐγρηγορυῖαν μᾶλλον παρέχηται τὴν διάνοιαν. Vit. 
Dem. ᾧ 4. 

καὶ οὐχ εἴων, and 1 did not consent, i. 6. I protested against. 

§ 30. παρέλθῃ, sc. through the strait of Thermopyle. 
Cf. Or. de Cor. § 35. 

Θεσπιὰς — Πλαταιὰς. These cities of Boeotia were as 
hostile to the Thebans as they were devoted to the Athe- 
nians. This fidelity subjected them to much persecution 
from the former (Tuuc. II. 2 and III. 20; also TouRREIL 
adh. 1.), who at length, in Ol. 101.38 according to Diop. 
Src. (XV. 46), or in Ol. 101. 4 according to Pausan- 
ras (IX. 1), destroyed these cities and expelled the inhabi-_ 
tants. The Plateans took refuge in Athens, where they 
met with a cordial reception, and were placed on a footing 
of political equality with Athenian citizens. Drop. Src. 
ibid. As the latter had scarcely anything more at heart 
than the restoration of these cities, the promise of Philip 
to rebuild and fortify them, as a check upon the insolence 
of Thebes, was one of the chief inducements to the 
formation of the treaty. Luccuxrs. Annott. Hist. ad Or. 
de Megalop. p. 218; Ruxp. Com. Hist. p. 161. Concerning 
Thespie, cf. Or. de Pace, § 10. 

Χεῤῥόνησον. The Thracian Chersonesus was the name 

167 


178 PHILIP PTE IL: 


given to the peninsula lying north of the Augean Sea, on 
the borders of Thrace. It was an ancient possession of 
_ Athens (cf. Lian. Arg. ad Or. de Cherson.), a fertile re- 
gion, containing in the age here spoken of eleven or twelve 
cities of considerable size. Philip had engaged to cut 
through the isthmus, a distance of only thirty-seven stadia, 
at his own expense, and thus render the peninsula secure 
from the incursions of the Thracians. This promise was 
not fulfilled, nor has any one since undertaken it. The 
most that was done was to rebuild the ancient wall, of which 
Pliny speaks as if it was still in existence in his day. 
TouRREIL, p. 314. 

‘Qownorv. This was a fortified town, situated near the 
northern boundary of Attica, not far from the coast. Its 
position rendered it an important possession for Athens. 
Compare, on this subject, Or. de Fal. Leg. § 22. 

ov δεινοὶ... . μεμνῆσθαι. The sense is, although not in- 
clined to bear anger against those who have injured you. 
In Or. de Corona, § 99, the orator dwells with pride upon 
this forbearing spirit of the Athenians. 

§ 31. Kai τὸ πάντων αἴσχιστον, x. τ. 2., And the most 
disgraceful of all is, that you have made this peace binding 
even upon your descendants in regard to their hopes. Philip 
now had possession of many places heretofore belonging to 
the Athenians ; and as it was expressly stipulated in the 
treaty that each should keep what he had, and the same 
obligations extended to their children, it was virtually 
cutting off all hope of the future recovery of these places. 
Wo tr gives a different interpretation to πρὸς τὰς ἐλπίδας : 
spe freti ; but the view above taken is confirmed by De- 
mosthenes, Or. de Fal. Leg. § 55, where he handles the 
same subject. 

§ 32. Οὐχ ἵν᾽ refer to the preceding verbs ἐρῶ and ἀποχ- 
ovwojie. The sense is, J will speak freely, not that by de- 
scending to recrimination I may procure the chance of speak- 
ing on an equality | with them in using their weapons]. 





NOTES. 179 


For the only result would be a disgraceful contest, from 
which they would derive advantage. 

ἐξ ἀρχῆς, from the outset, that is, since the time when 
Demosthenes exposed their treachery; up to-that time he 
‘and A‘schines had been excellent friends. 

ὡς ἄλλως, at random, Wolf and Bekker edit, τὴν ἄλλως 
ἀδολεσχῶ, neque ut frustra garriam. ἀδολεσχῶ" φλυαρῶ. 
Hesycn. In the following sentence of’, as referring to 
indefinite future time, is opposed to νυνί. But I think that 
Philip’s operations will one day vex you more than they do 
now. ‘They will be the source of greater calamities than 
the present. tovri. BRremi interprets, presens rerum 
conditio. Cf. inf. § 35. 

§ 33. To yao πρᾶγμα, that is, the evil which threatens 
the city from Philip’s enterprises. The common reading is, 
Ta γὰρ πράγματα ὁρῶ προβαίνοντα, but the former rests 
on the best authority. The following τοῦτ᾽ refers to the 
same. 

μηδ᾽ ἀκούηθ᾽. The order is, μηδ᾽ ἀχούηθ᾽ ἐμοῦ μηδὲ τοῦ 
δεῖνος [λέγοντος] ὅτι ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς. The prep. ἐπὶ here 
denotes a hostile aim. Cf. sup. 86. WotF: nequé ista 
contra vos parari et strut ex me audistis aut alio quopiam. 

αὐτοὶ πάντες. So Bekker, from Codd. 2, F. Ruediger 
defends πάνθ᾽ : Sed ipse nexus neutrum requirit : si non 
amplius me vel alium audiveritis hec dicentes vobis immi- 
nere, sed tpst omnia, que olim dicta sunt, expertemint. But 
ὁρᾶτε and εἰδῆτε do not require an accusative any more than 
ἀχούηθ᾽. to which they are opposed, and demand a similar 
construction. 

8 34. ἐφ᾽ οἷς, x. τ. 2., on what conditions (i. 6. for what 
purpose) they are conscious of having received bribes (cf. 
supra, § 12); namely, that they should blind the eyes of 
the people respecting Philip’s designs, and clog all measures 
brought forward against him. 

‘toig ἐπανορθοῦν. The order of construction is, φοβοῦμαι 
δὴ μὴ συμβῇ τοῖς πειρομένοις ἐπανορθοῦν τι τῶν ἀπολωλότων διὰ 


189 PHTLEEP PGi. 


τούτους περιπεσεῖν τῇ ὀργῇ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν. διὰ τούτους, by their 
instrumentality. 

τὰ πολλὰ, used adverbially for πολλάκις, very often. 

ἐνίους, though commonly employed indefinitely, is meant 
for the Athenians, in whose summary manner of proceed- 
ing, punishment not seldom fell upon the innocent. 

τὴν ὀργὴν ἀφιέντας. This corresponds nearly to the Eng- 
lish expression to discharge one’s wrath. ‘The force of the 
passage is well given by Jacoss: denn ich bemerke dass 
einige thren Zorn nicht gegen die Schuldigen, sondern gegen 
den ersten auslassen, der thnen unter die Hdnde kémmt. 
So Dem. adv. Androt. § 58: ὧν mooonxé σοι τὴν ὀργὴν οὐκ 
εἰς τῶν πολιτῶν τὸν τυχόντ᾽ ἀφιέναι. 

8 8ὅ. ἔτι μέλλει, ts still future, is yet to come. - 

συνίσταται. THos. Magister: ἀρχὴν λαμβάνει. So lange 
also die Sache noch im Entstehen ist. Jacops. Like the 
nautical expression, while the storm ts brewing. Or. de Cor. 
§ 62, συνισταμένου καὶ φυομένου κακοῦ τῶν Ἑλλήνων. 

κύριος (sc. Philip). Cf. supra, § 7. 

ἐπὶ, towards, to. 

ἔξω, abroad, i. 6. concerning the protection of your 
provinces. περὶ ---- ὑπὲρ. Cf. Phil. 1.81. Wor: eoque 
rem redegit, ut vobis non jam de tuendis juribus atque ex- 
ternis rebus consultandum sit, sed de patrii soli agris et 
bello Attice imminente, etc. 

γέγονε ...« ἡμέρᾳ. Phil. 11. § 19, ἀλλ᾽ ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας 
ἀνεῖλε Doxtas, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἔγωγ᾽ αὐτὸν πολεμεῖν ὁρίζομαι. 
JAcoBS, however, understands this to mean the day on 
which peace was concluded; but Demosthenes alludes to 
the first act of hostility. This was his seizure of the strait 
of Thermopyle, as he says, Or. de Fal. Leg. κᾧ 34, Didin- 
mov παρόντος ἐν Πύλαις ἤδη (ἦν γὰρ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἁπώντων 
τῶν ἀδιχημάτων τὸ τὸν (ίλιππον ἐπιστῆσαι τοῖς πράγμασι 
τούτοις). 

§ 36. Εἰ γὰρ μὴ παρεχρούσθητε, For if you had not been 
duped then, viz. by Aischines and Philocrates, who by false 


NOTES. 181 


representations concerning Philip’s intentions, prevented 
the Athenians from sending an army to arrest his progress. 
Cf. Dem. Or. de Cor. ὃ 35; de Fal. Leg. § 29 seqq. ; also 
supra, § 29. 

Οὔτε γὰρ. For Philip had not so strong a navy as to 
enable him to bring a fleet against Attica. The Athenians 
were far superior to him on the sea, both in naval resources 
and skill. 

«φωχέας instead of τὴν Φωχίδα. 

ἀλλ᾽ ἢ. This thought is repeated in Or. de Cherson. ᾧ 47. 

ἢ παραχρῆμ᾽. κ- τ. 4., or he would immediately have been 
involved in a war like that which made him then desire peace. 
δι᾿ ὃν. Comp. note to ᾧ 6. 

§ 37. ὡς μὲν ὑπομνῆσαι, for the purpose of admonition. 
Cf. Marru. Gr. § 545, and ViceEr. p. 558. 

ὡς δ᾽ ἂν ἐξετασθείη, x. τ. Δ. Wor: absit autem, idque 
dii omnes prohibeant, ne experiendo certissime comprobentur. 
A similar form of deprecation is found in Or. de Cor. § 324. 

δίκαιός ἐστ᾽ ἀπολωλέναι, ts worthy to perish. The expres- 
sion may be illustrated by a passage in Dem. Or. contr. 
Aristoc. ὃ 55, ov δίκην ὑπέχειν, ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης τυχεῖν δίκαιός 
equ. Dem. ἐπ Μῆϊα. ᾧ 12, οὐδ᾽ ἕν ἐστιν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τῶν πεπραγ- 
μένων οὐ δίκαιος ὧν ᾿πολωλέναι φανήσεται. 


PHILIP PIC. LEE. 


ε 


ΣΙΝ the third year οὗ the 109th Olympiad, B. C. 342, 
about two years after the preceding oration was spoken, 
Demosthenes delivered two harangues, which are justly 
considered the most perfect specimens of deliberative elo- 
quence that have come down to us from antiquity. The 
first of these in the order of time is that known under the 
title Περὶ τῶν ἐν Χεῤῥονήσῳ πραγμάτων, ἢ ὑπὲρ Διοπείθους," 
On Chersonesus ; and the other, Κατὰ Φιλίππου I, the Third 
-Philippic. As the latter was pronounced within a very 
short interval after the former, and treats, with few excep- 
tions, of the same topics, it will be necessary to advert 
briefly to the circumstances which gave occasion to the 
oration On Chersonesus. ᾿ 

The peninsula which forms the southern extremity of 
Thrace, and which was called Chersonesus by the Greeks, 
had by the treaty of peace remained in the possession of 
Athens, with the exception of Cardia, its principal city, ~ 
which was ceded to Philip. The country was chiefly settled 
by Athenian colonists, and the measures taken by Athens 
to insure its possession had given the first occasion for re- 
newed collisions with the king. Soon after the peace was 
concluded, the Athenians had sent a new colony to Cherso- 
nesus for the purpose of increasing the internal strength of 
the province, which lay in the vicinity of Macedonia; an 
additional motive, probably, was to maintain in that region, 
under a plausible pretext, an armed force, which should be 

[182] 


PPR IG aT 


INTRODUCTION. ' 183 


in readiness against any difficulty that might arise. For 
whenever a colony was sent out from Athens, it usually 
consisted of poor citizens who were unable to support 
themselves at home, and willingly seized the opportunity 
of improving their condition in a foreign land. ‘The state 
furnished them with arms and nioney to defray the expen- 
ses of the journey, and also appointed a leader, who was 
vested with military authority. The command of the above- 
mentioned colony to Chersonesus was given to Diopeithes, 
a bold and enterprising man, yet somewhat unscrupulous in 
his use of means to attain his objects, and reckless of con- 
sequences. The inhabitants of Chersonesus generally re- 
ceived the new settlers kindly, and assigned them houses 
and lands; not so, however, the citizens of Cardia, who 


bluntly refused them admission to their territories, averring 


that Athens had by the treaty renounced all claims and 
rights over them. Hereupon Diopecithes attempted to force 
them to submission, but, upon Philip’s despatching troops 
to their assistance, he retaliated by laying waste the Mace- 
donian towns lying on the coast. - Philip hastened thither 
with a superior force, but Diopeithes, avoiding an engage- 
ment, prudently withdrew his men into Chersonesus. The 
king then wrote a letter to the people of Athens, full of 
bitter complaints, asserting that Diopeithes had broken the 
peace, and insisting upon his recall and punishment. The 
demand was warmly seconded by the king’s partisans in 
Athens, but Demosthenes regarded the alleged offences of 
Diopeithes in quite a different light. He contended (Crat. 
de Cherson.) that Philip had been the first to infringe the 
stipulations of the treaty by the unwarranted seizure of 
their possessions, as well as those of other Grecian states ; 
that Diopeithes had only retaliated these injuries, and that 
to listen to Philip’s complaints, and disband or recall those 
who alone were in a condition to defend Chersonesus, would 
leave that province entirely without protection, which was 
precisely what Philip most ardently wished. He showed 


184 at PHILIPPIC Ill. 


them that the king had demeaned himself as hostile to 
Athens ever since the conclusion of the peace, and there- 
fore, so far from yielding to his demand for the punishment 
of Diopeithes, it was their duty to sustain him, and to in- 
crease his force, as’ their sole bulwark against Philip’s 
assaults in that quarter. The arguments presented by the 
orator in behalf of his brave countrymen in Chersonesus, 
animated by his vivid eloquence and lofty enthusiasm, pre- 
vailed with the Assembly, at least so far as to allow Diopei- 
thes to retain his command, and to strengthen his force by 
volunteers as necessity might require. Soon after this, it 
appears that a letter or embassy (WINIEWSKI, Ὁ. 176) 
arrived from the people of. Chersonesus, praying the Athe- 
nians to aid them with money and other subsidies. Whether 
this was done for the purpose of meeting some new danger 
is not known. But it is evident that the public mind had _ 
lately been much agitated on account of Philip’s opera- 
tions in Thrace, where he had been for a year extending his 
conquests, and thus paving his way for an attack on Perin- 
thus and Byzantium. In one of the assemblies held for 
the purpose of deliberating on these matters, Demosthenes 
delivered the Third Philippic, the object of which was to 
procure: for the people of Chersonesus the assistance they 
required, and to convince his fellow-citizens that the country 
was actually in danger from Philip’s insidious encroach- 
ments, in order that he might, by kindling their resentment 
against the king, induce them to adopt some decided meas- 
ures to thwart his plans, so evidently calculated for their 
subjugation. 

The commencement of this discourse is the expression 
of the speaker’s dissatisfaction, and almost despondency, 
at the wretched condition into which the public affairs have 
come: if every body had purposely endeavored to bring 
about the worst possible state of things, they could not 
have made it worse. This, he asserts, is owing to the fact 


that the time-serving orators study how they may advance 





in ats tient le 


INTRODUCTION. 185 


their own reputation or gratify their private grudges, instead 
of providing for the public welfare. Another prime cause 
is the habitual unwillingness of the people to hear dis- 
agreeable truths, and their insatiable appetite for smooth 
and flattering speeches. If this disposition could be 
changed, and they could be induced to act as their cir- 
cumstances demanded, their condition was not past mending, 
there was still room for hope. 

But, notwithstanding Philip’s numerous acts of violence 
and injustice, which were known to every one, there were 
still many who maintained that he had done nothing in 
violation of the peace, and who accused the patriot orators 
of being the real disturbers of their friendly relations with 
him by denouncing his deeds. Demosthenes confutes these 
assertions by overwhelming proofs. Philip, it is true, had 
not openly declared war, yet, whilst he had shielded him- 
self behind the name of peace, his deportment had con- 
stantly been that of an enemy. It had never been his 
policy to declare war, nor would he do it, though he already 
stood upon Attic soil. Witness the manner in which he 
treated the Olynthians, the Phocians, the inhabitants of 
Phere and Oreus, all of whom he approached under the 
guise of friendship, artfully keeping up the delusion till he 

could strike the fatal blow. He is pursuing the same policy 
towards the Athenians, and he will make no declaration of 
war, especially as long as he finds them willing to be duped. 
Nay, it would be the greatest folly in him, were he thus to 
turn against himself the spite and jealousy which they are 
venting upon one another. What man in his right mind 
will accept Philip’s professions of peace, when his acts so 
plainly belie his words? The fact is, that he had scarcely 
sworn the peace before he seized upon Serrion and Doriscus 
and Hieronorus, and drove off the Athenian garrisons 
stationed there. It may be urged, that these posts were of 
little importance; that is another matter. But whether a 
man violates justice in small things or in great, the effect 18. 
17 


186 PHILIP ELUM. 


the same. But besides his hostile invasion of Thrace; his 
attempts upon Megara, his establishment of tyranny in 
Eubcea, his efforts to get the control of the Hellespont and 
Peloponnesus, as conclusively prove that he is warring 
against Athens as if his engines were placed before her 
gates. It is then full time to prepare for defence; not 
merely Chersonesus and Byzantium, but indeed all Greece 
is in danger, and means should be devised for the common 
security. Next follows a powerful appeal to the national 
sense of honor. The orator expresses his astonishment 
that all the Greeks tamely submit to that tyrannical conduct 
in Philip which they never would tolerate in one of their 
own states, and which had been the source of all their wars. 
For neither Athens, during its hegemony of seventy years, 
nor Sparta in thirty, nor Thebes, was ever allowed to com- 
mit one fifth of the injustice that the Greeks have suffered 
at Philip’s hands in less than thirteen years. To say 
nothing of his complete demolition of Olynthus, Me- 
thone, Apollonia, and thirty-two cities on the frontiers of 
Thrace, and Phocis blotted out from the list of nations, 
he has reduced the Thessalians to slavery and established 
tyrants in Hubcea, close by Thebes and Athens. And now 
he has the effrontery to say to them in his letters, that he 
as at peace with those who are willing to obey him. None 
are exempt from his attacks, yet not Hellas nor the land of 
the barbarians is sufficient. to satisfy his lust of empire. 
This all the Greeks are fully aware of, and still no effort is 
made to unite for their common defence. Each sees the 
storm gathering, but mutual jealousy and distrust prevent 
any combination to avert it. It is infamous and deeply 
humiliating, that, whilst Philip is loading Greece with in- 
juries and insults, not one has the spirit to resist. What 
a contrast between the present generation and the Greeks 
of former times! who, animated by the love of freedom, 
spurned the gold and routed the armies of Persia by sea 
and by land, and who detested and visited with the heaviest 





INTRODUCTION. 187 


punishments whoever was detected in accepting a bribe 
from their enemies. Now, on the contrary, all is venal; 
unblushing corruption stalks abroad with impunity, and, 
notwithstanding that Greece possesses far greater resources 
for war than she had in those early days, they are all ren- 
dered useless and unavailing through the cabals of those 
shameless traflickers. After citing a remarkable instance 
of the severity of the old Athenian patriots towards this 
crime, the orator returns to the subject of a war with 
Philip. He discusses his character as a general, and the 
innovations he had introduced into the old modes of war- 
fare, which it is necessary they should understand and make 
their preparations accordingly. At the same time, he puts 
his hearers on their guard against the advocates of Philip, 
declaring it impossible for them to vanquish their foreign 
enemies till they have punished the traitors within their 
own walls. This, unhappily, they are so far from doing, 

that they take pleasure in listening to their calumnies and 
| vituperations, and show them even more favor than they do 
those who defend the interests of the city. Such conduct 
they persist in, though aware of all the calamities which 
other cities had brought upon themselves by lending ear to 
the partisans of Philip. This was precisely the course fol- 
lowed by the people of Olynthus and Porthmus and Oreus, 
who_all repented of their folly when it was too late. Such, 
too, it is to be feared, will be the doom of Athens; 
the same trifling with her true interests, the same blind 
sense of security, is hurrying her forward to a similar 
downfall. But it is shameful, when the evil has arrived, 
to exclaim, Who would have thought this was going to hap- 
pen? This and that ought to have been done, and the other 
omitted. No; whilst the state is still in a sound condition, 
it must guard itself against such a contingency; for though 
all the rest should bend their necks to the yoke of servi- 
tude; Athens must struggle for her freedom! This deter- 
mination she must make known to the other states; must 


- 


188 PHILIP Le ΤΙ: 


send envoys everywhere to kindle like feelings, and induce 
them to join in a league against their common’enemy. It 
would be of no avail, however, to send this invitation, un- 
. less they were resolved to act for themselves; Athens must 
take the lead and set the example. Her dignity demands 
that she should assume this post of honor which their an- 
cestors had won and bequeathed to them amid many great 
dangers. They must not sit idle and cowardly at home, in 
the vain hope that others will save Greece; they must act. 
The counsel of the orator is to send the required assistance 
to the people of Chersonesus, to arm themselves for the 
contest, and to rally the other Greeks around the standard 
οὗ independence. This is the only course from which he 
can hope for a remedy for their evils. 

The exertions of Demosthenes to rouse his countrymen 
to resistance were not without effect. Two years after 
when Philip laid siege to Perinthus and Byzantium, they 
sent thither a strong reinforcement, by means of which he 
was repulsed and compelled to retire. Philip hereupon 
declared the peace ended, whereat the Athenians pulled 
down the pillar upon which the treaty had been engraved. 
At length, when Philip stood on the borders of Beeotia 
with a.large army, the necessity of following the advice of 
Demosthenes became evident. By the orator’s strenuous 
efforts, an alliance of the principal states was formed, and 
a force was raised to oppose the monarch. But this army, 
which consisted mostly of fresh levies, commanded by offi- 
cers whose names could inspire but little confidence, was 
found unable to cope with the veteran troops of Macedonia, 
led by their king, the young prince Alexander, and some 
of the ablest generals of the age. A battle was fought, in 
which the victory remained with Philip; and the doom 
against which our orator had so frequently warned his 
countrymen, and which he had devoted the best energies 
of his life to avert, was accomplished on the fatal plain of 
Cheronea. In the words of Lycurgus, The liberty of Greece 
was buried with the bodies of the slain. 


ΕΟ ταν... 





NOTES. 189 


81. Dionysrus of Halicarnassus (De admirab. vi di- 
cendiin Dem. § 9), remarks upon the opening period of 
this oration, that it is elaborated with unusual care and 
skill. Also Dissren (De structura periodorum. oratoria 
Ρ. 62): Est clara et nervosa periodus; nam dividit totum 
orator scite in plures majores partes (in Massen), intervallis 
et respirationibus certis distinctas. The period extends to 
διατεθῆναι and consists of two principal members, (the first 
ending at δώσει) which are again subdivided into two sub- 
ordinate members, each having a different grammatical 
construction. The first principal member is conditional 
and hypothetical, and the gen, abs. may properly be ren- 
dered by the subject and verb, prefixing the particle while 
or although. See Rost’s Gr. Gr. p. 417. Although many 
speeches are made, &c. 

ὀλίγον δεῖν. An adverbial expression = σχεδόν, Dion. 
Hal., ad. 1. 1. almost, Lat. Pacne. 

ἀφ᾽ ov, since, ex quo pacem fecit. Wotr. ᾿ 

εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι, used parenthetically, I am certain. BEKKER 
and the recent editors reject ev, but SpencEL (Abh. Mii. 
Acad. der Wissenschaft. 1839, p. 169) has shown that 
it was contained in the best MSS. in the time of Dronys. 
Hat. and BIBEIDES, who both quote this passage, and 
always with ev. 

φησάντων γ᾽ ἄν. Comp. Phil. 11. § 20. ἄν with the 
part. is rendered as if it were joined with the verb itself. 
Marru. Gr. § 598. Render: and though all (I am sure), 
would say at least, even if they do not do so; in which it 
is also to be observed that the Greeks used ποιεῖν precisely 
as we employ the word do instead of iit = the ‘verb. 
After πράττειν most of the MSS. have ἅπασι προσήκειν, 
(Bekker in first ed. [ἃ πᾶσι προσήκει.) which Voemel 
retains. To receive both δεῖν and προσήκειν is, however, as 
Spengel very justly observes, contrary to the custom of the 
orator. I have deemed proper, therefore, to follow the 


Cod. S, in which the words ἅπασι προσήκειν are omitted. 
ἘΠῚ 


190 PHCLEIPE VCE: 


ὑπηγμένα. Cf. Phil. I1.§ 1; RuzepieEerR ad Or. de Cher- 
son. ὃ 62 thus defines: ὑπάγεσθαι, lenociniis et insidiis ali- 
quem inducere, protrahere. Suidas and Hesych. explain it 
by ἐξαπατᾶν. In this passage it expresses the bad influence 
of corrupt politicians upon the affairs of government. 

προειμένα, fallen into neglect, confused through inattention. 
Wotr: per incuriam prolapsa. 

οἱ παριόντες, the orators. Cf. Phil. 11. § 8, note. 

χειροτονεῖν, SC. ταῦτα. , 

§ 2. οὐ παρ᾽ ἕν οὐδὲ δύο, not from one or two causes. 
The difference between παρὰ here and διὰ occurring directly 
below, consists in this: παρὰ denotes the condition on which 
any thing depends; διὰ the instrumentality by which the 
result is brought about. Hence AuGrr correctly interprets, 
si recte consideretis, ti sunt in culpa qui jucundissima dicere 
malunt Ὅσαι utilissima. 

χαρίζεσθαι is equivalent to πρὸς ee, δημηγορεῖν. Cf. 
Phil. 1. § 51, πρὸς χάριν — λέγειν. 

δύνανται Ξ-- δυνατοί εἰσι. The sense of the passage is, 
some of these orators, while they study to preserve those 
things tn which they have a reputation and in which their 
forte lies, take no thought for the future, etc. That is, those 
politicians who are only anxious to preserve their own 
popularity, without regarding the true interests of the 
country. 

ἕτεροι are the opposition, who make it their business to 

revile the party in power, and, actuated by malice rather 
than patriotism, and more intent upon the downfall of their 
adversaries than upon the defence of the a against foreign 
eneniies. Concerning the expression εἶναι ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι, 
ef. Brernu. Gr. Synt. p. 249. 

παρ᾽ αὑτῆς, 1. e. her own citizens. 

περὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔσται. The Greeks used the expressions περί 
τι εἶναι, ἀμφί τι ἔχειν, περί τι σπουδάζειν, very nearly in the 
same sense: to be about or engaged ina thing. Matru. 


Gr. § 583; ΒΡΆΧΗ. Gr. Synt. p. 262 





, democratiis,’ 


NOTES. 191 


πολιτεῖαι συνήθεις. The plural πολιτεῖαι indicates, accord- 
ing to Bremi, that this system had been pursued for a long 
time ; Ruediger refers it to the different political factions 
which the orator had mentioned above. But συνήθεις shows 
thatthe former view is correct: this system of politics is 
habitual with you. 

§3. ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων, in respect to other things, in 
other respects. Cf. Or. in Mid. § 2. In its exceptive sense 
this refers to συμβουλεύειν. No restraint was imposed upon 
the liberty of speech, except in public deliberations. ‘In 
’ says Bremi, ““ stultitia est cujusquam os occlu- 
dere velle. Quo magis operam das, eo major erit licentia 
loquendi et vituperandi.”’ 

δούλοις ---- οἰκέτας. The former is a general term, includ- 
ing slaves of every sort; the latter specifies the domestics 
who were acquainted with the family relations, and from 
whom, therefore, greater discretion is ordinarily exacted. 
Franke understands by οἰκέτας publicos servos, that is, those 
who were the property of the state, and who performed 
menial services for the different state officers; but they 
were denominated οἰκέται δημόσιοι, sometimes simply δημόσιοι. 
C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § 114, note 9. I see, therefore, no 
ground for the distinction. 

ἐξεληλάκατε, perf. of ἐξελαύνω. Render, but from the pub- 
lic deliberations you have banished it altogether. As soon 
as the orator mounted the tribune, he assumed as it were a 
public character; he became the counsellor of the people in 
their sovereign capacity, whom it lay in his power to mis- 
lead to the adoption of the most pernicious measures. For 
the safety of the state, therefore, it was necessary to impose 
the severest restrictions upon this power, which were speci- 
fied as far as possible by the laws. The author of any 
decree, for example, or of any public measure whatever, 
was made individually responsible for it for the space of a 
year, during which time it was subjected to the strictest 
scrutiny by the Thesmothet@, or conservators of the laws. 


192 PHILIPGSL EEL, 


If it was found that he had compromised the public in- 
terests, he was liable to the heaviest penalties. Scnorm. 
de Comit. Ath. p. 166 seqq. Beside this, he was immedi- 
ately responsible to the people for everything he said in his 
public speeches, and hence few were found who were of 
sufficient courage to brave their anger by telling unpleasant 
truths. 

ᾧ 4. ἐν μὲν ταῖς «... κινδυνεύειν This passage is re- 
peated in Or. de Cherson. § 34. 

τρυφῶν, lucuriari, insolescere, ita ut, quidquid delicatis 
auribus vestris non blandiatur, fastidiatis; qui fastus adula- 
tione alitur. The passage conveys a lively image of the 
morbid sensitiveness of the Athenian people. ete 

χαὶ vor, even now, still. 

Καὶ γὰρ εἰ, For although. Cf. Herm. ad VicERr. p. 882. 

τὰ πράγματα, the affairs of state. τὰ γιγνόμενα signifies 
the events of the time. So Jacozs: in den Begebenheiten 
und Geschdften aber schon am Rande der Gefahr steht. 

§ 5. 0 yeiguotor, x. τι. Cf. Phil. I. § 2. 

ἐπεί τοι, et. All the MSS. except the Cod. 2, which Bek- 
ker follows, have here, as in ἘΠΕ I. § 2, ἐπεί. τοί γε, εἶ, 
which Ruediger retains. 

πραττόντων, SC. ὑμῶν. 

ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ κεκίνησθε. The conj. ἀλλ᾽ expresses the wide 
difference between the two verbs, and is equivalent to our 
nay. χκεχίνησθε. Demosthenes employs κινεῖσθαι in Olynth. 11. 
21, and in Or. de Cor. § 198, to signify the disorder pro- 
duced in the body by an attack of disease; but here it 
alludes to the single contest. Correctly WoLF: neque victt 
vos, immo ne loco quidem moti estis. 

§ 6. οὐδὲν ἀλλο ἔδει. In hypothetical enunciations lke 
the present, the particle ἄν is not necessarily added. Cf. 
Herm. ad ViceEr. p. 945. Scuarr. App. Crit. ad h. 1. 

ἀνέχεσθαί τινων. This verb is generally construed with 
the accusative, rarely with the genitive. Xen. Hellen. VI. 
5, τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων οὐκ ἠνείχοντο. Cf. Marr. Gr. § 357. 





NOTES. 193 


By τιρῶν are meant the partisans of Philip, who accused 
Demosthenes of endeavoring to inflame the Athenians to 
war. ᾿ 

φυλάττεσθαι καὶ διορθοῦσθαι. Ruediger refers these words 
to the orator himself: Opus est, ut caveam et uvertam. But 
Demosthenes wishes rather to put his hearers on their 
guard, and to correct the erroneous opinions they may have 
formed in relation to the question. 

8. 7. γράψας καὶ συμβουλεύσας τις, 4.7. λ., lest when any 
one has written and advocated a plan for, etc. It may be 
‘proper here to cast a glance at the process by which such a 
proposition passed into a law or decree. It was requited 
to be first laid before the Senate of Five Hundred (Arg. Or. 
adv. Androt. § 5), whose duty it was to prepare all busi- 
ness which was to be referred to the assembly of the people. 
If it was approved by that body, it was then reduced to 
writing, according to the sense of the majority. This bill, 
or senatus consultum (προβούλευμα), was referred by the 
Senate to the general Assembly, where, after it had been 
read, the question was put. by the Proedri, whether the 
people concurred with the decree of the Senate, or demand- 
ed time to deliberate on the subject proposed. The presi- 
dent of the Assembly (ἐπιστάτης ἕν τῷ δήμῳ) then declared 
the question open for discussion, and the herald demanded 
if any one wished to address the people. Any citizen had 
the right to share in the debate (F. A. Wour ad Lept. 
p. 234; A.G. Bexxer, Dem. als Staatsmann und Redner, 
p. 500), or to offer an amendment to the bill, or even to 
write a new one (ScuoEm. de Comit. Ath. p. 98). When 
the subject had been sufficiently discussed, the orators who 
had taken different sides drew up their opinions in the form 
of a decree, and the question was taken upon each of these 
separately (Ibid. p. 117; cf. Phil. I. § 30). That which 
obtained a majority of votes became thereby a decree (w7q- 
toua), for which the author, whose name was usually at- 
tached to it, was responsible (Wor ad Lept. p. 137 seq. ; 


194 ΒΕ ΘΟ ΕΕΙ: 


Scuoum. de Comit. Ath. p. 278). It was necessary, there- 
fore, for Demosthenes and the other patriot orators (Ὁ feel 
assured that a majority of the citizens agreed with them in 
their convictions in regard to Philip before they could 
venture to propose open resistance to his encroachments. 

λέγω καὶ διορίζομαι, x. τ. 2., with a future signification : 
Twill first of all discuss and. determine if it ts still in our 
power to deliberate, etc. 

8.8. ἔξεστιν — ἐστὶ. ‘These verbs are not used synony- 
mously ; the former denotes a possibility afforded by out- 
ward circumstances ;. the expression εἶναι ἐπί τινι indicates 
more a subjective choice, for to be under one’s control signi- 
fies that the will is there free to act. So Dem. Or. de Cher- 
son. ὃ 7, οὐ γὰρ αἱρεσίς ἐστιν ἡμῖν TOU πράγματος. 

φημὶ ἔγωγε, x. τ. λ., 1 say myself that we ought, ete. 

τὸν ταῦτα λέγοντα. Said in reference to the partisan of 
Philip, who urged the necessity to keep the peace, but took 
no pains to promote it. Demosthenes demands that the 
traitor shall act consistently with his words. 

προβάλλει, is the reading adopted by Bexxer from Cod. X, 
instead of the vulg. προβάλλεται. The middle form signifies 
to extend for the purpose of defence. Cf. Phil. I. § 40, and 
HARPOCRAT. S. ἡ. προβάλλειν τὸ ὄνομα means to profess in 
order to dupe. Er halt euch den Namen des Friedens vor. 
Jacoss. Philip had done this in his letters to the Athe- 
nians. See, for example, that inserted in Or. de Cor. § 78. 

φάσχειν, jactare, dictitare. Ruxp. The sense is, I do not 
object to your professing to keep ihe peace as Philip does, if 
you will. Or, Philip, under the mantle of peace, is in fact 
engaged in hostilities ; you may do the same. 

ov διαφέρομαι is equivalent to the common expression 
οὐδέν μοι διαφέρει. It is the same thing to me. Cf. ScHAaEF. 
App. Crit. ad h. 1. 

8. 9. ταύτην εἰρήνην. The ellipsis of εἶναι in such con- 
structions is very common. Cf. Brernnarvy, Gr. Synt. 
Ῥ. 990. 





ΨΥ se Se Oy 


NOTES. 195 


ἐξ ἧς, according to which. 

ἔπειτα... . λέγει, in the second place he means peace on 
your part towards Philip, not on his towards you. The 
vulg. has ἄγειν after εἰρήνην, which is evidently a corrup- 
tion. 

Τοῦτο refers to the sentence «avtoc.... πολεμεῖσθαι : 
That is, he pays his agents to prevent you from commencing 
a war upon him. | 

τῶν ἀναλισκομένων χρημάτων is the gen. of purchase. 
Marta, Gr. 8 363. 

§ 10. Καὶ μὴν, And, indeed, et sane. Hurm. Cf. Olynth. 
BS os 

μέχρι τούτου, until then, for that. 

Οὐδὲ is to be construed with τοῦτ᾽ ἐρεῖ. Render, For he 
will not avow this, even if he were marching against Aitica 
itself. 

τεχμαίρεσθαι with the dat., to judge by something as evi- 
dence, to conclude from. BrRNuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 103; 
Mart. § 395. 

8 11. τοῦτο μὲν ----τοῦτο δ᾽. These frequently, as here, 
correspond to each other in longer enunciations, as τὸ μὲν 
-- τὸ δέ do in shorter ones. Cf. Herm. ad ViceEr. p. 702; 
Isocrat. Panegyr. § 21; Marry. Gr. § 288, Obs. 2. 
They express here no opposition, but are used simply to 
particularize examples; as the English now— again; in 
one instance — in another ; and the like. 

δυοῖν θάτερον, one of the two, for to ἕτερον. SCHAEFER 
deems it unnecessary to supply any verb, this being one of 
those formulas of familiar discourse that convey a complete 
idea by themselves, though standing in loose syntactical 
connection with the rest. Germ. eins von beiden, entweder 
— oder. 

πώντα τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, always before; ἄλλον in the 
sense of πρότερον ; that is, before he marched against Olyn- 
thus. 

The verb αἰτιᾶσθαι governs two acc. Marru. Gr. § 491, 


198 PHIL LEP ΤΙ: 


Obs. 1. Cf. Or. de Halon. .§ 1; also, Or. de Cherson. 
§ 2, ὅσα μέν τις αἰτιᾶταί τινὰ τούτων. 

εἰς (φωκέας ὡς πρὸς συμμάχους. The former of these 
prepositions, eg, is to be referred to the country of the 
Phocians; the latter, πρὸς, to the people. Demosthenes 
often uses these prepositions without any apparent distinc- 
tion. Cf. Olynth. III. § 1, ὅταν. τὲ εἰς τὰ πράγματα ἀποβ- 
λέψω καὶ ὅταν πρὸς τοὺς λόγους OVE ἀκούω. 

ἤριζον οἱ πολλοὶ, the populace contended, maintained. οἱ 
πολλοὶ vulgus, cui proditorum turba (cf. Phil. 11. § 29) 
verba dederat. FRANKE. VOEMEL with BEKKER has πολλοὶ 
instead of οἱ πολλοὶ. : 

λυσιτελήσειν. This composite form is used in prose. In 
poetry it would be λύειν τέλη, to benefit, with the dat. οὐ 
λυσιτελεῖ is like our familiar expression, Jt does not pay. 
The people contended that this expedition would bring no 
good to the Thebans. Cf. Or. de Cor. § 35. 

τὴν éxeivov πάροδον, his ingress through the strait of Ther- 
mopyle. 

8 12. ἔχει καταλαβών. In expressions of this nature, 
which are very common with Demosthenes, regard is to be 
had to the tense of the participle, as well as to the verb 
ἔχεν. ‘They denote a continuation of the condition caused 
by the action. Cf. Herm. ad VicEr. p. 753; Marru. Gr. 
8 559. Ὁ; Tuuc. I. 80, Κορινθίους δὲ δήσαντες εἶχον. Cf. 
ΡΣ 0. 

᾿Ωρείταις. Demosthenes relates the story of this treachery 
below, ὃ 59. The order of construction is, Kat τὰ τελευ- 
ταῖα ἔφη πεπομφέναι τοὺς στρατιώτας τοῖς ταλαιπώροις Ὡρεῖταις, 
“%.t.h. Wour: Ac postremo miseris illis Oritis dixit se 
misisse ad eos 6 benevolentia milites, qui eos viserent, audire 
enim se laborare illos et seditionibus agitari. As émoxéen- 
tesa is sometimes used to signify watching the sick, it was 
a heartless and bitter jest upon the helpless citizens of 
Oreus. 


a 4 « - . 4 
ΠΙ|υνθάνεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὡς νοσοῦσι, instead of Πυνθώνεσθαι, 





Ὶ 


NOTES. 197 


ὡς νοσοῦσι. or νοσεῖν αὐτοὺς. WotFr. νύσος and νοσεῖν were 
often used figuratively to denote intestine divisions. Cf. 
Drop. Sic. XI. 86: ἐνόσουν ai πῤλεις καὶ πάλιν εἰς πολιτικὰς 
στάσεις καὶ ταραχὰς ἐνέπιπτον. Also ΟΥ. 46 Cor. § 45. 

§ 13. Εἶτ᾽ οἴεσθ᾽ αὐτόν. The pron. αὐτόν is the acc. be- 
fore αἱρεῖσθαι. 

οἵ relates to τούτους. Tourreil renders the passage thus: 


—Croyez-vous qu'un homme, qui aime mieux user de surprise 


que de force ouverte contre des peuples, qui etaient trop 
foibles pour entreprendre jamais rien contre lui, et que toute 
leur prévoyance auroit ἃ piene garantis de loppression , 
croyez-vous dis-je que celte homme s'avise de vous declarer 
la guerre, surtout lorsqwil vous trouve ingenieux et opinia- 
tre ad vous tromper en sa faveur ? 

ἕως. as long as. 

§ 14. ἀβελτερώτατος. Hesycutus explains: ὁ τὸ βέλτισ- 
τον μὴ γιγνώσκων. SuIDAs, ἀβέλτερος " χαῦνος, νέος, stupid. 
Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 98, where the orator classes it under 
the head of ignorance. 

εἰ τῶν ἀδικουμένων, %. τ. Δ. The sense is, if, whilst you 
the injured party make no complaint against him, but accuse 
some of your own citizens, he should put an end to your in- 
ternal dissensions and command you to turn your pugnacity 
against him. 

προείπειν, which is properly said of a herald, conveys the 
general notion of commanding. The sense is, Jt is Philip's 
interest to keep alive these domestic quarrels, and he will 
take good care not to proclaim himself your enemy, and thus 
unite you against himself. 

τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μισθοφορούντων, i. 6. Philip’s agents at 
Athens. λόγους, the specious arguments and excuses which 
they used in defending his conduct. 

§ 15. ὦ πρὸς tov Διός. FunKuaErnet (Diss. ad Phil. 
III. p. 5) prefers to accent thus, ὦ, since it denotes merely 
an expression of astonishment, not an appeal. 

ἄρτι τῆς εἰρήνης aa immediately after the peace was 


198 MPHILIPPre iit. 


made. Demosthenes expresses himself more exactly in Or. 
de Cherson. ὃ 63, ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τὴν εἰρήνην ποιήσασθαι. For it 
was while the negotiations for peace were pending that 
Philip made a rapid incursion into Thrace, and took thé 
places mentioned below. 

τῶν ὄντων ἐν Χεῤῥονήσῳ. So BexKER, from Codd. X.and 
Dresd., instead of the vulg. τῶν ἐν Χεῤῥονήσῳ νῦν ὄντων 
ἀπεσταλμένων. WouF interprets, neque missis Ws qui nunc 
in Chersoneso sunt. But according to the new collocation 
of the, words, it becomes necessary to join the particle νῦν 
with ἀπεσταλμένων, which is perfectly compatible with the 
rules of syntax. See VicER. p. 425. vvy when joined 
with the preterite signifies ἀρτίως, modo, paulo ante. The 
sense of the passage will thus be, nor were those troops yet in 
Chersonesus which have been lately sent. This agrees also 
sufficiently with the history of events; for, though it is not 
known exactly at what time Diopeithes and the colonists 
under his command arrived in Chersonesus, it is certain that 
it must have been some time after the conclusion of peace 
and the capture of the Athenian possessions by Philip. 
Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 6, πρὶν 4Διοπείθην ἐκπλεῦσαι καὶ τοὺς 
κληρούχους, ---- πολλὰ μὲν TOY ἡμετέρων ἀδίκως εἰληφώς. The 
circumstances referred to were briefly these. Chersonesus 
having been conceded to the Athenians by the treaty with 
Philip, a body of citizens under the command of Diopeithes 
were sent to take possession of it. This was effected with- 
out opposition from the inhabitants, with the exception of 
the city of Cardia, who refused, saying that the lands they 
occupied belonged to themselves and not to the Athenians. 
Thereupon Diopeithes attempted to take the city by force ; 
but the Cardians implored Philip for assistance, who sent a 
letter to remonstrate with the Athenians, which not being 
listened to, he despatched a body of troops to aid the Car- 
dians. Diopeithes, incensed at being thus thivarted in his 
purpose, invaded and laid waste maritime Thrace, which 
was tributary to Macedonia. In consequence, a letter was 





™% 
NOTES. “Yq 199 
- Th: 

sent from Philip to the Athenians, accusing Diopeithes of 
breaking the peace, and threatening, if they did ‘not restrain 
him; to invade Chersonesus. The dispute which arose at 
Athens on that subject gave occasion to one of Demosthe- 
nes’s most spirited orations. Cf. Lrpan. Arg. Or. de Cher- 
son.; Wuintewsk1i, Com. Hist. Or. de Cor. p.175. The 
allusion to these events is introduced merely to show that 
they could not have given occasion for Philip’s attack on 
Serrhium and Doriscus. 

S66vv καὶ Δορίσκον, Athenian fortresses in Thrace. I 
transcribe the following notice of them from RUEDIGER, 
Com. Hist. Or. de Cherson. p. 171: Doriscus, auctore 
Herodoto, VII. 59, ingens fuit campus et littus Thracie non 
multum ab ostio Hebri ; ibi rex Xerxes magnum murum dici- 
tur exstruxisse eumque Doriscum appelldsse. Eo ipso loco 
Persa exercitum adversos Grecos (Hreronvot. VII. 60) recen- 
suit etin Graeciam profectus est (Ibid VII. 108; Pury. IV. 
11). Hic ipse scriptor testatur, non multum a Dorisco distare 
Serrhium, quod montis promontorit et castelli nomen fuisse 
videtur (vid. SrepH. Byz. 8. v., et HaRPocrat. qui ὄνομα 
τοῦ χωρίου fuisse monet). Addit orator Ἱερὸν τεῖχος, Ἱερὸν 
000s, que castella prope ad Serrhium et Doriscum fuisse 
videntur. Cf. Or. de Halon. ὃ 37; Or. de Fal. Leg.§ 156; 
Or. de Cor. § 70. 

ὁ ὑμέτερος στρατηγὸς, viz. Chares, who was previously 
posted in Chersonesus. BruEcKNneER, Kénig Philip, p. 256 ; 
W INIEWSKI, p. 126. 

ταῦτα πράττων τί ἐποίει; At ista agendo quid faciebat ? 
AvucER. That is, What construction is to be put on such 
~ conduct 2 Aya 

εἰρήνην «.«. ὁμωμόχει. This is not to be taken quite liter- 
ally. For in other orations Demosthenes inveighs against 
Philip, because, at the very time that arrangements were 
making for peace, he made a forced march into Thrace, and 
took these important military posts of the Athenians. The 
state of the negotiations was this. The Athenians had al- 


200 PHILP PEC. Lit 


ready sent one embassy to Philip to settle the terms of the 
treaty, and the king in his turn had sent deputies to receive 
the oaths of the Athenians. All that was wanting to a 
complete ratification was the oath of Philip, which another 
embassy, in which were A‘schines and Demosthenes, was 
despatched to receive. In Or. de Fal. Leg. § 155 et seq. 
and Or.de Cor. ὃ 30, Demosthenes reproaches A‘schines 
and his associates in the embassy with purposely dallying 
on the journey and staying nearly three months at Pella, 
until Philip had seized the places he wished. WertskeE (de 
Hyperbole Dem.) very justly remarks that the peace is called 
ratified or not ratified (tum juratum, tum injuratum) accord- 
ing as the orator aims more at Philip or at the traitors who 
played into his hands. Consult Winrewsx1, Com. Hist. 
et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 126 seq. 

§ 16. τί δὲ, x. 7.4. The question of an imaginary op- 
ponent, insinuating that he was making a great ado about a 
trifle. The particle δὲ is strongly adversative. But what 
are those places, or what does the city care for them? The 
loss of such small and insignificant fortresses might appear 
to be of little consequence to Athens, but the orator con- 
tends that it is the principle which is to be considered. For 
the construction of μέλει with gen. and dat., see Sopu. Gr. 
Gr.§ 201. n. 4. It takes the neut. pron. as subject. 
Kvueuner, Gr. ὃ 274. obs. 1. 

The following particles, E¢ — yao, imply that the assump- 
tion is very doubtful. Concerning this construction, consult 
BernuHarpy, Gr. Syntaz, p. 405. 

ἄλλος ἂν ein λόγος οὗτος, that were another question. Puar. 
Apol. Soc. ο. 23, Et μὲν θαῤῥαλέως ἐγὼ ἔχω πρὸς θάνατον ἢ μὴ, 
ἄλλος λόγος. Puar. de Leg. I. 7, ὁ λόγος ἂν ἕτερος εἴη. Cf. - 
DissEn. ad Or. de Cor. ὃ 44. 

To δ᾽ εὐσεβὲς. Worr: Sed jurisjurandi religio et justi- 
tia sive in parvis sive magnis in rebus violetur, eandem 
utrumque vim habet. A. G. Becker: “ Aber wer das Hei- 
lige und Rechte, sey es im Kleinen, sey es im Grossen, ver- 





NOTES: "ἜΣ: 201 


letzet: der fehlet immer auf gleiche Weise. Wir fablen, 
nicht edler konnte Demosthenes das Unrecht schildern, das 
Philippos in eben dem Augenblick begangen, wo er durch 
die Heiligkeit des Eidschwurs sich zum Frieden verpflichtet 
hatte, als durch jenen allgemeinen Gedanken. Tief musste 
es sich dem Gemuth der Zuhorer einpragen: wer unter sol- 
chen Umstanden einen Kleinen Gewaltstreich sich nachsieht, 
wird nur zu gewiss in der Folge grossere wagen.” Derm. 
als Staatsmann und Redner, p.178. ἄν te— ἄν τε are re- 
peated in the same way as etre — εἴτε Puat. de Repub. V., 
ἄν τέ τις εἰς κολυμβήθραν μικρὰν ἐμπέσῃ, ἄν τε εἰς TO μέγιστον 
πέλαγος μέσον, ὅμως γὲ νεῖ οὐδὲν ἧττον. - 

§ 17. βασιλεὺς. Xenophon and other historians use this 
title to designate the king of Persia κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν. Cf. infra, 
§ 43. Before the invasion of the Persians under Darius, 
Chersonesus had been ruled by Miltiades, who, not able to 
maintain his ground against that. monarch and his immense 
army, abandoned the country and returned to Athens. 
After the victory at Marathon, however, and the conse- 
quent retreat of the Persians into Asia, it was again secured 
to the Athenians through Miltiades’s instrumentality, and 
their right of possession was not afterwards disputed by the 
Persian kings. In the difficulties, however, in which Athens 
became involved by the Peloponnesian war, she was unable 
to defend Chersonesus against the incursions of the Thra- 
cians, who held it for a considerable period, till at length, 
after many unsuccessful attempts to recover it, it was ceded 
to the Athenians, with the exception of the city of Cardia, 
by Cersobleptes, in Olymp. 105. 8. LuccuHerst1n1, Hist. 
Annot. p. 390; Wintewski, Com. Hist. et Chron. in Or. 
de Cor. p.197. Consult Drop. Sic. XVI. 34. . 

χαὶ ἐπιστέλλει ταῦτα, and writes this in his letters to 
you. This refers to the letter which Philip wrote from 
Thrace, in which he threatened to retaliate the encroach- 
ments of Diopeithes. Cf. Or. de Cherson.§ 16, and Linan. 
Arg. 

18* 


202 PHILIPPE iif. 


πολεμεῖν. Many Codices have ὑμῖν after this verb, and it 
is therefore retained by ReEIske and RvuepiceErR. It is 
wanting in the Ald. ed. and Cod. 3. Brxxer rejects it, 
and it certainly may be dispensed with. , 

τοσούτῳ δέω. So Cod. X, which Vormet follows. Vulg. 
τοσούτου. The verb δέω admits of being construed with the 
gen., dat., or accus. In Dem. Or. cont. Lept. § 88, some 
MSS. have τοσοῦτον δεῖ instead of the received reading too- 
οὕτου δεῖ. The dat. in the text is defended by FunKHAE- 
NEL, Obs. Crit. ad Phil. III. p. 5, who thus explains: Jam 
vero si querimus, que dativi est ratio, comparationis vis et 
notio in verbis τοσούτῳ δέω ποιεῖν τοῦτο ὥστε inest. Nam 
qui ita loquitur, illud prius non facit eoque minus facere 
vult, quod alterum mavult. Due res igitur inter se compa- 
rantur quarum prius eo minus fit quod altera posterior, pre- 
fertur. ὁμολογεῖν depends on δέω. 

Μεγάρων ἁπτόμενον. Philip attempted to get possession 
of Megara in Olymp. 109. 1 WuniewskI, p. 145; Or. de 
Cor. ὃ 71, Μεγάροις ἐπιχειρῶν, where Dissen observes: Vide- 
tur hoc esse factum Ol. 109.1, cum Philippus, ut urbem tene- 
ret Athenis vicinam et Peloponnesum ingressuro opportunam, 
occupare Megara et presidium imponere conaretur. Cf. 
Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 87, whence it appears that the 
rumors of his near approach caused great consternation at 
Athens. 

ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ τυραννίδα. Compare Or. de Cherson. § 36, δύο 
ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ κατέστησε τυράννους. Philip confirmed Clitarchus 
as tyrant of Eretria, Ol. 109. 2, and Philistides at Oreus, 
Ol. 109. 8. These words are not, however, to be under- 
stood as relating to the first institution of that form of 

-government in Eubcea. It had previously existed there, 
but the inhabitants having rebelled, Philip aided in quelling 
the insurrections, and established the tyrants in their do- 
minion. Cf. WiInIEwsKI, p. 170 seqq. 

vov ἐπὶ Θράκην. Philip was still absent on the expedition 
into Thrace, where he had already been more than ten Ὁ 

















en pee 


NOTES. 203 


months at the time this oration was delivered, which was in 
the winter of Ol. 109. 83. The campaign ended with the 
expulsion of the kings of Thrace, and the subjugation of 
their territories. . Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 35; WiNIEWSKI, 
p- 187. 

σχευωρούμενον, plotting, intriguing. Hesychius explains 
σκευωρεῖσθαι " ἐπιβουλεύειν. Hac vox dicitur de vis, qui cal- 
lida consilia moliuntur et agitant. Ruep. Philip’s med- 
dling in the affairs of the Messenians and the Lacedemoni- 
ans is the matter here referred to. 

τὰ μηχανήματα ἐφιστάντας. Cf. infra, §§ 18, 50. 

§ 18. Τίσιν οὖν ὑμεῖς κινδυνεύσαιτ᾽ ἄν, x. τ. Δ. The sense 
is, To what dangers would you be exposed in the event of a 
rupture 2 The construction of κινδυνεύειν with the dative 
is somewhat rare. It is more frequently found joined with 
περί and the genitive. The datives contained in the answer 
to the question are put in the same regimen. In eo, quod 
Hellespontus alienabitur, quod is, qui contra vos bellum gerit, 
Megaris et Eubea potietur, quod Peloponnesit cum eo con- 
spirabunt. Wour. ᾿ 

Eira denotes the absurdity of the idea. 

τοῦτο TO μηχάνημα, fig. i. e., the preceding machinations of 
Philip. 

ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας. He became master of Phocis on the 23d 
of the month Scirrhophorion (about the 20th of May), Ol. 
108.2. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 59; Brureckner, Konig 
Phil. p. 182. =; 

πολεμεῖν. ‘The same variation in the reading is found 
here as that noticed supra, ᾧ 17. | 

§ 19. ἤδη. at once, immediately. 

ἐάσητε, vulg. ἀναβάλλησθε, which is retained by BEKKER; 
but there is reason to believe it originated from a marginal 
explanation. 

δυνήσεσθε. So the best Codices. RetskE and AUGER 
prefer to read δυνήσεσθαι, inf. depending on φημί. But this 
species of anacoluthon is too common with our orator to 
excite any surprise. 


204 PHILEPELPO EIT. 


τοδοῦτόν ye ἀφέστηκα, 1am so far from agreeing with, I 
so dissent from. 

σχοπεῖν, said emphatically. It is no longer time for de- 
liberation; we should rather send prompt assistance to 
those places, — for ἐπαμῦναι with the dat. conveys this idea. 
Brernuarpy, Gr. Syntax, p. 90. Tourrern: i faut les 
secourir incessament. Jacoss: zu Hulfe eilen. Marry. 
Gr. § 390. 

Βυζαντίου. The Athenians entertained fears at this time 
that Philip on his return from Thrace would direct his march 
against Byzautium. Cf. Or. de Cherson. § 18. 

§ 20. ἐξ ὧν, x. τ. λ., for what reasons I am so concerned 
for the safety op the commonwealth. This extensive accepta- 
tion of i? is required by what follows. 

καὶ πρόνοιαν TW” .... ποιήσησθε. Render, and make some 
provision for your own safety, at least, if you will not for 
that of the other Greeks. ὑμῶν γ᾽ αὐτῶν. obj. gen. 

τετυφῶσθαι. This verb signifies, literally, to be stunned 
or crazed, as with a stroke of lightning. Harrocrarion: 
τετύφωμαι ἐμβεβρόντημαι, ἐξὼ tov φρενῶν γέγονα. Dem. 
Or. de Fal. Leg. § 219, ἀλλ’ ἐγὼ μαίνομαι καὶ τετύφωμαι 
νῦν κατηγορῶν αὐτοῦ. Cf. Or. de Cor.§ 11. Plato (Lys.) 
uses ληρέω with words of similar signification: οὐχ ὑγιαίνει, 
ἀλλὰ ληρεῖ τε καὶ μαίνεται. 

§ 2]. τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς, in the commencement. Concerning 
this and similar adverbial expressions, consult ViGER. 
Ῥ. 80. 

πρὸς αὑτοὺς, equivalent to πρὸς ἀλλήλους, as in Phil. 1. 
§ 10, αὑτῶν for ἀλλήλων. Drm. Or. de Cor. § 61, πρότερον 
καχῶς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔχοντας πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς καὶ στασιαστικῶς ἔτι 
χεῖρον διέθηκε. 

πολλῷ παραδοξότερον, x. τ. Δ. The sense is, that it was far 
more improbable (sc. when he was yet a weak prince) that he 
would become sagpowerful, than that now, when he has secured 
so many places, he will subjugate the rest of Greece. 

γενέσθαι. ‘This aorist may refer as well to the future as 





NOTES. 205 


to the past. For there are two moments of Philip’s history 
considered in this sentence: the first is the time when he 
was but a petty prince, from which point τοσοῦτον γενέσθαι 
is future; the second is the time in which the orator is 
speaking, when it is past. This pliant nature of the aorist 
is discussed by BeRNHARDY, Gr. Syntaz, p. 381. But why 
it is again used, ποιήσασθαι, where we should expect a future 
or optative, is not so clear, unless, perhaps, we assume that 
the lively imagination of the orator represents that which 
is merely possible, or at most probable, as really accom- 
plished. The Latins use the future to express both these 
relations: ““ incrédibilius erat Philippum ex tantillo fore 
tantum, quam nunc subacturum esse cetera.” 

§ 22. ag’ ὑμῶν ἀρξαμένους, beginning with yourselves, 
you setting the ecample. ‘The antecedent of the following 
ov is τοῦτο understood, the obj. of συγκεχωρηχότας, which is 
used instead of the inf. συγχεχωρηχέναι. Further, the words 
ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους must be considered as applying only 
to the states of Greece. Cf. inf. § 47. It may be thus 
rendered, But I observe that every body, with yourselves at 
the head, have conceded that to him, for which, etc. 

καθ᾽ ἕνα. The vulg. καθ᾽ ἕνα ἕχαστον is found in Codd. 
F. 1; but as the latter word is wanting in several excellent 
MSS. it is probable that it was added by some early critic 
in order to govern the gen. τῶν Ἑλλήνων. That it is not 
necessary, we have seen in Phil. I. § 20. καθ᾽ ἕνα holds the 
place of a real substantive, and governs the G nine. 
RvEDIGER cites Drop. Sic. “sae 107, ἀπέστειλεν οὖν κατ᾽ 
ὀλίγους τῶν στρατιωτῶν. 

οὑτωσὶ is used in regard to something manifest, evident to 
all. Cf. infra, 8 44. 

The terms περιχόπτειν and λωποδυτεῖν present Philip in 
the most odious light. The former is used by Demosthenes, 
Or. in Mid. § 147, in the sense of to hack, mutilate; Or. 
de Cherson. ὃ 9, to lay waste, ravage. AiLiaNn. Hist. Ani- 
mal. V. 89, connects συλᾶν καὶ περικόπτειν. Concerning 


206 PHILEF PiCeitt. 


λωποδυτεῖν, see Phil. 1. § 47; it signifies to rob in a mean, 
trickish manner, to fleece. Wotr explains thus: Agere 
quicquid et libet, et singulatim ita concidere et spoliare 
Grecos, et aggredi atque opprimere urbes servitute. 

§ 23. προστάται, i.e. οἱ προεστῶτες. The time during 
which Athens enjoyed the hegemony in Greece is variously 
stated. Demosthenes and Isocrates are both so inconsistent, 
that it is difficult to arrive at any definite conclusion from 
their statements. The latter, for example (Panath. § 56), 
says the Athenian sway lasted sixty-five years; again 
(Panegyr.) he gives seventy. Demosthenes (Olynth. 111. 
§ 24) states that they governed the Greeks forty-five years 
with their consent (Ἑλλήνων éxovtwr), in which he computes 
from Ol. 75. 3, to Ol. 87. 1. Borcxn, Staatsh. 1.475. But 
in the seventy-three years here given he must have reckoned 
from Ol. 75. 3, inclusive of the Peloponnesian war up to 
the battle of gospotamos, Ol. 93. 4, B. Ὁ. 405. C. F. 
HERMANN receives seventy-three years, namely, from 477 
to 404 B.C. Staatsalt. § 156, n. 8. LuccHxEstn1 (Annot. 
Hist. ad Olynth. 111. p. 847) adopts sixty-five years, 
counting from the close of the Persian war (the formal 
transfer of the hegemony from the Lacedemonians to the 
Athenians), Ol. 75. 4, to the defeat of the Athenians at 
Syracuse, Ol. 91. 4, allowing some months for the news to 
arrive and the consequent defections to take place. Borckn, 
following Dopwe.t (Staatsh. I. 475, nate), declares for the 
same number, sixty-five, reckoning, however, from Ol. 772, 
when the formal transfer of the hegemony took place. Cf. 
Troe. 1.95. 

τριάκοντα ἑνὸς δέοντα. The rule of the Lacedeemonians com- 
menced after the battle of Agospotamos, Ol. 93. 4, and 
continued to Ol. 101. 1, B. C. 376, when they were de- 
feated by Chabrias at Naxos, a period of twenty-nine 
years. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Aristoc.§ 198; Or. adv. Lept. 
§ 77. 

τὴν ἐν “εύχτροις μάχην. In consequence of the victory 








cal 


NOTES. 207 


won by the Thebans at the battle of Leuctra, the hegemony 
passed into their hands, Ol. 102. 2. B. C. 871. Cf. Drop. 
Sic. XV. 55. ' 

ὅ τι βούλοισθε. So BEKKER, from Cod. Σ᾽, instead of the 
vulg. βούλεσθε. ‘The opt. implies that the wish varied with 
circumstances. You were never permitted to do whatever 
you pleased, i. e. to act according to the pleasure of the mo- 
ment. For, as Bremi justly observes, the orator does 
not refer to any settled plan, but to what may have often 
happened. He uses the 2d pers., though he refers also to 
the Lacedemonians and Thebans. See Soru. Gr. Gr. 
§ 150. 2. 

Οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ, Far from it, by no means. Lat. Neuti- 
quam. Cf. F. A. Wouxr’s learned exposition of this for- 
mula of Attic life, ad Lept. p. 238 It is a more emphatic 
phrase for οὐδαμῶς. Rusep. ad Or. de Cherson. ὃ 42: 
‘* Minime gentium, nam οὐδὲ preecedenti negationi inservit.” 
Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 90, ov γὰρ ταῦτ᾽ ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων γέγονεν, 
οὐδὲ πολλοῦ δεῖ. > 

§ 24. τοῦτο per. Observe that this formula, which serves 
merely to introduce an illustration of what has just been 
said, is followed in the second member by πάλιν instead of 
τοῦτο δέ. See note to § 11, supra. τοῦτο μέν are sometimes 
followed by ἡ δέ or εἶτα, as SopuH. Philoct. 1845; Herm. 
ad Vicer. p. 702. Cf. ΒΟΡΗ. Antig. 61, τοῦτο μὲν ---- 
ἔπειτα δ᾽. 

μᾶλλον δὲ, or rather. 

οὐ μετρίως. Demosthenes chooses a mild term to denote - 
the oppressions the Athenians were often guilty of towards 
their allies. He employs the same to denote the insolence 
of the Thebans after the battle of Leuctra (Or. de Cor. 
§ 18), where, as DissEN observes, χαταχόρως or μάλ᾽ ὑβοισ- 
τικῶς would have been but just. 

The dat. τισιν depends on προσφέρεσθαι. Wor: quum 
quosdam non moderate tractare viderentur. 

“Ἱακεδαιμονίοις ἄρξασι. ἄρξαι Ἀ. 1. non est imperare, sed 


208 PHILFPYrICiLty 


imperium capessere. SCHAEFER. This dative uepends on 
πόλεμον, which, from its connection with the verb πολεμεῖν, 
admits of the same construction. BernHarpy, Gr. Syntaz, 
p. 92; Marry. Gr.§ 889. RueEpicER prefers to govern 
it by the phrase εἰς πόλεμον κατέστησαν, which is in truth 
equivalent to ἐπολέμησαν, or, 89. Tnuc. Ὁ Bere κατασ- 
τάντες ἐπολέμουν. But ὑμῖν is governed by τὴν αὐτὴν, ss 
same. See ΒΟΡΗ. Gr. Gr. § 202 note. 

πλεονάζειν, insolescere, plus sibi quam oportebat arrogare. 
Wotr. The orator refers, not to exactions of tribute, 
but to the undue assumption of authority. The odious 
policy of Sparta is very forcibly characterized by Wacu- 
smMuTH, Gr. Antig. I. p. 243. I take the liberty of tran- 
scribing a part of the passage: ‘Zu herrschen war ihm 
Bedurfniss, die Herrschaft zu vergrossern die vorwaltende 
Sorge; Gewalt, so weit dazu die Kraft vorhanden war, 
Zweideutigkeit, List und Verrath die Mittel zum Zwecke, 
und der Besitz der Herrschaft selbst Mittel zur Befriedigung 
des Frevelmuths und zum Weiterstreben. In Sparta selbst 
mogte die Kunst, nach entflohenem Wesen den Schein hin- 
fort zu behaupten, mit einigem Erfolge getibt werden; 
ausser der Heimath aber, von der eine Menge Birger durch 
Besatzungsdienst, Harmostien, etc., auf die Dauer fern ge- 
halten wurden, irrte der Lakedamonier, sobald er nicht mit 
Krieg und Schlacht beschaftigt war, aus seinem Gleise und 
wurde den uebrigen Hellenen durch Anmassung, Barschheit 
und Bedrickungen ftir eigen oder des Staates Rechnung 
unertraglich. 

τὰ καθεστηχότα ἐκίνουν, abolished the existing institutions. 
The Lacedzemonians destroyed the democratic constitutions 
in the cities of Greece, and established oligarchies in their 
stead, forcing them to receive the governors (ἀρμοσταῖ) 
appointed by them, which was too often but another name 
for tyrants. Cf. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § 39, notes 7, 8. 
and Friron’s note to Isoc. Panegyr. p. 105. 

§ 25. οὐδὲν ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὃ τι, x. τ. d., equiva- 





NOTES. 209 


lent to ἂν εἰπεῖν εἴχομεν. Though in the beginning we could 
not complain that, etc. 

ὑπὲρ ὧν = ὑπὲρ τούτων & Dem.Or. de Fal. Leg. § 214, 
ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀγωνίζεται. 

ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα οὐχ ὅλοις ἔτεσιν, in not quite thirteen 
years. ‘Inde ab Ol. 106. 3, quo tempore Philippus jam 
apertius bello sacro se immiscere et in Graecorum libertatem 
grassari ccepit.” FRANKE. ov = τούτων ἅ. 

ἐπιπολάζει, said contemptuously. Lit. floats, gets his 
head above water. Hesycutius explains: ἐπιπλεῖν, innatare. 
Passow, Gr. Lex.: Φίλιππος ἐπιπολάζει, Philipp hat das 
Uebergewicht, oder schwimmt oben. Cf. also LospecKk ad 
Phryn. p. 2. Philip succeeded to the throne of Macedon 
Ol. 105. 1, since which time eighteen years had elapsed. 
The glory of his reign, however, began with his conquest 
of the tyrants of Thessaly, which Jacoss assigns to Ol. 
105. 4, but WinrewskI to Ol. 106. 4. 

πέμπτον μέρος. This is the reading adopted by VoEMEL 
and Saupre from the Codd. 3, 2. All the other Codd. 
have πολλοστὸν instead of πέμπτον, and the first Aldine 
πολλοστὸν πέμπτον ; one of which it is evident must be a 
gloss. τούτων refers to Philip’s acts of injustice, éxewa 
to those committed by the Athenians and Lacedemonians. 

§ 26. πόλεις ἐπὶ Θρῴκης. The ancient authors used the 
expression τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης to designate the peninsula in the 
northern part of the Thracian Sea, which received the name 
‘of Chalcidice, from the colony planted there by the city of 
Chalcis in Eubcea. At that time it was considered as be- 
longing neither to Thrace nor to Macedonia. Amphipolis 
was the extreme northern boundary (cf. GoELLER ad THUC., 
I. 59). In the time of Demosthenes this peninsula con- 
tained a large number of cities in league with Olynthus, 
which was the largest (cf. BRuEcKNER Konig Phil. p. 347 ; 
Luccuesini, Ann. Hist. p. 335; VoEMeEt, Prol. ad Phil. I. 
et Olynth. p. 23). Apollonia was situated a little north of 
Olynthus, and was in alliance with it. 

19 


210 | PH LROPPIC ΤΙΤ: 


ἃς ἁπάσας... .. εἰπεῖν. AUGER interprets, guas universas 
adeo crudeliter excidit, ut, st accesseris, nec an unquam 
habitate fuerint facile dicas. The vulg. has μηδένα before 
μηδ᾽, which VorMEL retains in brackets. It is not found in 
Cod. &. 

παρήρηται, perf. of παραιρέομαι. Render the clause, Has 
he not taken away their free institutions and cities, and es- 
tablished tetrarchies? The aorist is used with the perf., 
probably for this reason, that the tetrarchies were still in ex- 
istence. AUGER edits, τετραδαρχίας. By this change of 
government the cities lost their independence, and in this 
loss Demosthenes perceived the ruin of the cities themselves. 
They ceased to be commonwealths and became mere depen- 
dencies of Macedonia. ‘‘ Post id quidem tempus,” observes 
VoEMEL, “ urbes Thessalia, sive quia erant debilitatz sive 
quia per mutatam reipublicee formam jus amiserant, mone- 
tam signare desierunt.” Programme of the Frankfort 
Gymnasium, Summer-Semest. 1830, p. 4. 

κατὰ πόλεις ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ᾽ ἔθνη. These words refer to the 
double yoke of servitude imposed by Philip, explained in 
Phil. 11. § 22, note. ἔθνη signifies here the cantons or 
provinces in which he instituted tetrarchies. He appointed 
native citizens as rulers, but appropriated the revenues to 
himself. WacusmutH, Gr. Antig. 11. 376; TouRReEIL, 
p. 333. 

§ 27. καὶ ταῦτα, and that too. Lat. idque ; Germ. und 
zwar. The neuter plural with καί is more common than 
the singular, where a whole sentence is referred to. Cf. 
Or. de Cherson. § 55; Marru. Gr. § 472, n. 7; 
ViGER. p. 176. 

εἰς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς γράφει. Concerning this construction, 
compare infra. ὃ 42. 

Καὶ ov γράφει, x. τ. Δ. Render, And he does not write 
these things and not do them, i. e. he does not confine himself 
to words, he makes use of no vain threats. The conj. δ᾽ 
conveys opposition to the preceding clause, and ἀλλ᾽ to 





NOTES. 211 


both together. In such cases, ov — δέ may be rendered 
by without, with the gerundial construction; and he does 
not write without performing, etc. A well-known example 
of this construction is contained in our orator’s Oration de 
Corona, § 179, οὐκ εἶπον μὲν ταῦτα, οὐκ ἔγραψα δὲ, οὐδ᾽ ἔγ- 
ραψα μὲν, οὐκ ἐπρέσβευσα δε, οὐκ ἐπρέσβευσα μὲν, οὐκ ἔπεισα δὲ 
Θηβαίους. 

ἐπ᾽ “AuSoaxiav. In Ol. 109. 2, Philip, having recently re- 
turned from the conquest of Illyria, made preparations to 
invade Western Greece, intending, as it appears, to make 
himself master of the Corinthian colonies, Ambracia and 
Leucas, for the purpose of gaining an easier access to the 
Peloponnesus. The author of the Oration de Haloneso 
mentions (§ 32) that Philip in the same campaign took 
several cities in the southern part of Epirus, and ravaged 
and burnt the surrounding country. But the Athenians, at 
the solicitations of the patriot orators, sent an embassy, of 
which Demosthenes was a member, into the Peloponnesus, 
and it is probable into Acarnania, to excite those states to 
resist Philip's movements. About the same time, as we 
learn from Dem. Or. adv. Olympiodor. p. 1174 ed. REIsKE, 
the Athenians sent troops into Acarnania for the purpose, 
most probably, of assisting to repel the invaders. The 
effect of these prompt measures was, that Philip was com- 
pelled to abandon his designs upon Ambracia. Cf. W1NIE- 
wskI, Comm. Hist. et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 155 et 
seqq.; BrurecKneR, Konig Phil. p. 247. 

Ἦλιν ἔχει. The interference of Philip in the politics as 
well of Elis as of so many other cities, was productive of 
the most baneful effects. There, also, citizens were not 
wanting who were capable of betraying their country’s 
liberties for gold. Many of the aristocratic and powerful 
were thus induced to favor his cause, and dissensions ensued, 
which ended in a violent and bloody encounter (Dem. Or. 
de Fal. Leg. § 260). The result was unfavorable to the 
liberal party ; the democracy was in effect abolished, and 


212 PHILP TE, 


the government passed into the hands of a few citizens who 
were already under Philip's influence, and who shortly after 
formed an open league with him. Consult Pausan. IV. 
28 and V. 4; Bruecxner, Konig Phil. p. 242; Wunt- 
 EWSKI, Ῥ- 154, refers these events to Ol. 109. 1. 

χωρεῖ, fills, satisfies. Ni la Gréce ni les pats barbares ne 
peuvent remplir son ambition démesurée. ToOURREIL. 

§ 28. διορωρύγμεθα κατὰ πόλεις, We are separated into 
cities, i. 6. isolated, as it were, by entrenchments. ‘ Proprie 
[hoc verbum] dicitur de muris, vinculis et aliis ejusmodi 
rebus; ἢ. 1. perforatt sumus,i. e. AUGER bene monente, 
tanquam fossis interjectis separati sumus.” RUEDIGER. 
The orator’s remarks concerning these divisions in Or. de 
Cor. § 61, may be cited as illustrative of this passage. 

συστῆναι. Compare Phil. II. ὃ 35. 

§ 29. περιορώμεν, we overlock, disregard. Cf. Tuve. II. 
20; Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 66. 

τὸν yoovoy χερδᾶναι. BReEMI interprets: unusquisque 
Grecorum constituit tempus istud in lucro sibi ponere, quo 
perit alius, i.e. each enjoys the peace without seeming to 
think his own turn may come next. The part. σχοπῶν and 
πράττων are adjuncts of ἕχαστος. 

περίοδος ἢ καταβολὴ πυρετοῦ. HARPOCRATION under the 
word χαταβολή says, in reference to this passage, ἐν ταῖς. 
περιοδικαῖς vooog λέγεταί τις καταβολὴ, διὰ τὸ ἐν ἀποδεδειγμένῳ 
προϊέναι χρόνῳ. 1 cannot, however, believe that Demosthe- 
nes, in comparing this evil to a περίοδος, had any reference 
to a disease which returns at regular intervals. But he 
explains his meaning in another place (Or. de Fal. Leg. 
§ 262), speaking on the same subject: we βαδίζον ye κύχλῳ 
καὶ δεῦρ᾽ ἐλήλυθεν, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, τὸ νόσημα τοῦτο. In 
both passages he means a disease like an epidemic, which, 
so to speak, goes the round, and attacks allin turn. “ De- 
mosthenes, Plato, Aristides accessionem febris χαταβολήν 
vocant.”” Loseckx ad Phryn. p. 669. Brent is of opin- 
ion that a periodical attack of fever is here meant, which 


NOTES. 213 


the orator expressed by two substantives for the want of a 
suitable adjective, the derivative περιοδικός belonging to a 
later age. They should rather be understood as distinct 
similes, not as synonymous terms. An epidemic is not 
necessarily a fever. 

προσέρχεται, sc. Philip. The order of construction is, 
ἐπεὶ οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ ὅτι ye [ Φίλιππος ὥσπερ περίοδος . . . . προσ- 
ἔρχεται καὶ τῷ νῦν δοκοῦντι πάνυ πόῤῥω ἀφεστάναι. 

8 30. ἀλλ᾽ οὖν -- ye, yet at least, doch aber wenigstens. 
Ruep. Render, yet at least they were wronged by the gen- 
uine sons of Greece. 

ὥρπερ ἂν understand ὑπολάβοι. RuEn. 

ἄξιον. This emendation of ΒΕΙ5ΚΕ is accepted by ΒΕκ- 
KER and most of the recent editors. The MSS. have ἄξιος, 
but the construction requires the accusative, for the sense of 
the passage is this: ‘‘ And one might have judged of this 
as he would of a legitimate son, who, on coming into a great 
fortune, managed it discreditably and unjustly, that in this 
respect he was deserving of blame and impeachment, but it 
could not be said that he acted thus as an alien, and not the 
heir of the property.”” This construction is confirmed by 
that of the following sentence. 

ἐνεῖναι. AUGER edits, as a conjecture, οὐκ ἔνην ἂν λέγειν. 

8 31. ὑποβολιμαῖος, a suppositious child, a false heir. 

ἐλυμαίνετο. Compare infra, ᾧ 36. 

ὀργῆς. So Bexxer, from Codd. 3, Y. Harl. Vulg. 
πολλῆς ὀργῆς, Which RUEDIGER approves, but μᾶλλον πολλῆς 
ὀργῆς ἄξιον is too harsh. « 

οὐχ οὕτως ἔχουσιν, sc. οἱ Ἕλληνες. The repetition of οὐχ 
gives great force to the negation. Ruep.: Non ita affectt. 
sunt. Cf. VicER. p. 248. 

οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος. The Hellenic origin of the Macedo- 
nians was disputed by the Greeks. Demosthenes shared 
this national prejudice in a very high degree, and strove as 
often as occasion offered to excite his countrymen against 


Philip, on the ground of his being a barbarian. But the 
19* 


214 PHELPS PPC aie. 


early seat of the Macedonians, as well as their language and 
taaditions, prove them to have been of Pelasgic origin, 
and therefore related to the Hellenes. Cf. MurxtuxEr, His- 
tory of the Dorians, pp. ὃ, 80; BruEcKkner, Konig Phil. 
pi: 

ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ βαρβάρου, x. τ. Δ. Render, but not even a bar- 
barian from a place which it were honorable to mention, but 
avile pest of Macedonia, from whence formerly not even 
an honest slave was to be bought. πρίασθαι is wanting in 
Cod. X, and as the thought is complete without it, SPENGEL 
thinks it may have been supplied by another hand. We 
learn from the Scholiast (cf. ΒΕΙΒΚΕ adh. 1.) that slaves 
brought from Scythia, Cappadocia, Thrace, Phrygia, and 
Egypt were highly esteemed by the Athenians for their 
fidelity. There were none, however, brought from Mace- 
donia, and Demosthenes attributes this to the worthless 
character of that people, who stood in such evil repute that 
no one would have a slave that bore the name. Much al- 
lowance is doubtless to be made for oratorical coloring. Cf. 
WeEIsSKE de Hyperb. I. 18; 11. 47. 

8 32. πόλεις. Some MSS. have after this word Ἑλληνί- 
δας, which is wanting in Cod. X and several others of high 
authority. Reiske defends it in a somewhat curious 
manner: Addidit Ἑλληνίδας, non quo necesse id esset, nam 
πόλεις nulle alie sunt, quam Gracie civitates, legibus con- 
stitute aliisque humanitatis artibus exculte (proprie barbaris 
πόλεις nulle sunt) sed ob consensum librorum. But there is 
no sufficient reason for such a limitation of πόλεις, which 
may just as well refer to the towns that Philip had de- 
stroyed in the north as those in Greece itself. Compare 
supra, § 26. 

τίθησι μὲν τὰ Πύθια, Does he not institute (i. e. preside 
at) the Pythian games. The neg. ov continued to πέμπει 
and γράφει. The management of the Pythian games be- 
longed to the Amphictyons, but on the admission of Philip 
into that body they conferred upon him the chief place at 


NOTES. 215 


those games. He first exercised this office in the early part 
(Herm. Goéttesd. Alt. § 49, n. 12) of the third year of the 
108th Olympiad, in the month of Boedromion, when the 
Athenians, incensed at the wretched fate of the Phocians, 
refused to appoint delegates to the celebration. Cf. Or. 
de Fal. Leg. § 128; Or. de Pace, § 22; WuiniEwsk1, 
p- 895. 

τοὺς δούλους. i. 6. Philip’s deputies, who conducted the 
games in his stead. Demosthenes calls them slaves from 
contempt. The ἀγωνοθέται or βραβευταί were those who 
proposed and distributed prizes, etc. 

προμαντείαν, precedence in consulting the oracle at Delphi. 
This dignity was not confined to Greeks; it was sometimes 
conferred on barbarians. Cf. Jacoss, Anm. p. 497; Ὁ. F. 
Hermann, Relig. Antig. § 40, n. 16. 

παρώσας. Cf. Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. ὃ 327, ἡ πόλις δὲ 
τὴν προμαντείαν ἀφήρηται. The privileges which had been 
enjoyed by some of the members of the Amphictyonic con- 
federacy were yielded to Philip out of deference to his rank. 
This offended the proud Athenian, who saw nothing ina 
king to entitle him to this preference. The words inclosed in 
brackets are wanting in Coder X, but they are so entirely 
in the spirit of Demosthenes, that an eminent critic (SPEN- 
GEL, Abhandl. uber die dritte Phil., Min. Acad. der Wis- 
senschaft. p. 178) thinks their genuineness cannot be 
doubted, but conjectures they were added by the author 
himself afterwards, like many passages in this oration. The 
repetition, however, of the words Θετταλοὺς — Θετταλοῖς, 
and ξένοις ---- ξένους is unpleasant and naturally excites sus- 
picion. | 

8 33. Πορθμόν. Porthmus, a town on the western 
coast of Eubcea (cf. Harpocrat.), was the seaport and 
fortress of the city of Eretria,; which next to Chalcis was 
the largest on the island. The orator expatiates more fully 
upon the state of affairs in this city and Oreus, infra, 88 57, 
59. 


216 PHILIBPLCG ΤΙ. 


τὸν δῆμον denotes, as is most probable, the liberal 
party. 

τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. Construe thus: ἔμοιγε δοχοῦσι θεωρεῖν 
[ταῦτα] τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὥσπερ [θεωροῦσι] τὴν χάλαζαν, 
ἕκαστοι εὐχόμενοι μὴ γενέσθαι καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς, x. τ. 2. γενέσθαι 
is used in relation to the motion and origin of natural ob- 
jects: praying severally that it may not come against them- 
selves, i. e. their fields. 

§ 34. ἐφ᾽ οἷς, for ταῦτα ἐφ᾽ οἷς, i. 6. the injuries by 
which. 

ὑπὲρ ὧν. Compare Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 214, ὑπὲρ 
ὧν ἀγωνίζεται περὶ τούτων ἀπολογεῖσθαι. 

τοὔσχατόν ἔστιν for τὸ ἔσχατόν ἐστιν. The sense is, For 
this is the last degree of apathy, i. 6. when a man will not 
repel the injuries committed upon himself. 

Κορινθίων ἐπ᾽ ’Auboaxiar. See note to§ 27. Ambracia 
was a flourishing commercial city, lying on the River Arach- 
thus, not far from its entrance into the Bay of Ambracia 
(cf. HaRPOCRAT). 

“ευκάδα. The city of Leucas, also a colony of the 
Corinthians, was situated on the island of Leucadia in - 
the northern part. This island once formed a part of 
Acarnania. 

Νιαύπαχτον. Naupactus, now Lepanto, a city of consid- 
erable size and importance, lying on the northern coast of 
the Corinthian Gulf, in Locris Ozolis. After the Pelupon- 
nesian war it had come into the possession of the Achzans 
(Drop. Sic. XV. 75), who were afterwards expelled by the 
Thebans under Epaminondas. But at the death of the 
latter and the ensuing downfall of the Theban domination, 
Naupactus was again occupied by the Achzans. ‘The 
Adtolians had long been desirous of securing it, on account 
of its advantageous position and its vicinity to their 
boundaries XEN. Hellen. 1V. 6. 14.). In this they appear 
to have succeeded through Philip’s assistance, for the place 
is mentioned by Strabo, Polybius, and others as belonging 
to the Avtolians. RueEp. Hist. Com. p. 184. 


NOTES. 217 


᾿Εχῖνον, Echinus. There were two cities of this name ; 
one in Acarnania, and the other in Phthiotis, a province of 
Thessaly, situated on the Sinus Maliacus. The latter is 
here meant, as appears from the distinction of Demosthe- 
nes: Θηβαίων Ἐχῖνον, which is confirmed by the testimony 
of the Scholiast Ὄπριαν : Ἐχῖνος πόλις, Θηβαίων μὲν 
ἄποικος, πλησίον δὲ Θετταλίας. RueDd. p. 185; WINIEWSKI, 
Ρ. 224. 

Βυζαντίους. Byzantium, a great commercial city lying on 
the Bosporus, controlled the entire trade of the Euxine 
Sea. The large importations of grain from Pontus into 
Greece, particularly. into Attica, made this city a place of 
the utmost importance. In reference to these circum- 
stances, Demosthenes, Or. de Corona, § 87, says, that 
Philip was endeavoring to engage the people of Byzantium, 
his allies (συμμάχους ὄντας αὑτῷ) to take up arms against 
Athens in order that he might get the command of the 
Channel. Compare also Or. de Fal. Leg. § 180; Boxrcku, 
Staatsh. 1. 85; F. A. Wour ad Lept. p. 252; Wu1inin- 
WSKI, p. 186. 

Καρδίαν. Cardia was situated at the extremity of Cher- 
sonesus, on the boundary of Thrace, near the mouth of 
the River Mela and the western end of the long wall built 
by Miltiades as a defence against the incursions of the 
barbarians (WINIEWSKI, p. 197). The claims set up by 
Athens to this city were ridiculous. For when Cersobleptes 
in Ol. 105. 3 (cf. supra, § 16) ceded to the Athenians the 
peninsula of Chersonesus, he expressly reserved the city of 
Cardia. The Cardians themselves were always opposed to 
such a union, and hence were frequently termed the enemies 
of the Athenians (Dem. Or. adv. Aristocr. §§ 169, 175). 
After Philip had conquered Cersobleptes and seized the 
maritime fortresses of Thrace, Ol. 108. 2, the Athenians, 
apprehensive that Philip would advance into Chersonesus, 
insisted most strenuously on their right to the possession 
of Cardia, which Diopeithes undertook to secure by force 


218 PHILIPPI IT. 


(Or. de Cherson. ὃ 19; Lipan. Arg. ὃ 2). The Cardians 
implored the aid of Philip, with whom they had stood in 
alliance even before the péace (cf. Phil. Epist. § 11), and 
were thereby enabled to repulse Diopeithes (Or. de Cher- 
son § 58). Moreover, it appears from Drm. Or. de Pace, 
§ 25, that Athens had consented to the treaty that Cardia 
should be separated from Chersonesus. Consult on this 
subject, WINIEWSKI. p. 197; LuccHuEsin1, Annot. Hist. 
p- 377. 

§ 35. οὐχ ἡμῶν. The orator was about to mention several 
of Philip’s seizures of the possessions of Athens, but he 
breaks off and notices but a single instance which is closely, 
connected with the present subject. See introduction to 
Phil. 111. μαλακιζόμεθα. This verb conveys the notion of 
unmanly and timorous indecision Harpocration explains it 
by τὸν oddoy φρίττειν. Cf. Lopeck ad Phryn. p. 889. 
Photius, quoting this passage, has μαλκίομεν, which form is 
preferred by ScHAEFER and RvuEDIGER. Cunctamur et 
mollescimus, et ad proximos respicimus, aliis alii diffidentes 
illo tam aperte nobis omnibus insultante. AUGER. 

καθ᾽ ἕνα. Cf. supra, § 22, note. 

τί ποιήσειν ; the pronoun is repeated for the sake of em- 
phasis. Some, considering it as superfluous, have struck 
it out. ScHAEFER conjectures it may have grown out 
of the following z. It should be retained. Compare a 
parallel instance in Or. de Corona, § 240, τί ἂν οἴεσθε, εἰ τότ᾽ 
w+. κύριος κατέστη ; . . «. τί ποιεῖν ἂν ἢ τί λέγειν. 

§ 36. οὐ γὰρ ἄνευ λόγου καὶ δικαίας αἰτίας, for not with- 
out a reason and well-grounded cause. 

εἶχον ----πρὸς. εἶχον πρός, c. acc. expresses the dispost- 
tion of mind towards any person or thing. Cf. VIGER. 
pe 249. 

τῶν πολλῶν the mass of the people. 

ἐλευθέραν nye τὴν Ἑλλάδα. “Ayew is here used in the sense. 
of preserving, as it is in such expressions as εἰρήνῃ» ἄγειν, 
σχολὴν ἄγειν, etc. It is used to signify the continuation of 
a condition, like the English verb to keep. 


6 


NOTES. 219 


μάχης οὐδεμιᾶς ἡττᾶτο. Ἡττᾶσθαι is equivalent to ἥττω 
εἶναι, to be inferior or unequal to, and takes the genitive ot 
the thing to which we are inferior, and the dative of that 
in which we are so. Bremi. Cf. ViIGER. p. 64 et 5546 ; 
Marrn. Gr. § 357. 

γῦν δ᾽ ἀπολωλὸς. x. τ. 2. Render, but the loss of which in 
recent times has ruined every thing, und thrown all public 
affairs into the utmost disorder. 

λελύμανται, third pers. sing. perf. of λυμαίνομαι. Matin, 
Gr.§ 191. 3. The active form was not used till a later 
period, and even then but rarely. It signifies to injure or 
to spoil by ill-treatment; hence, to corrupt, to ruin. Dem. 
Or. in Mid. § 173, ἵππαρχος δὲ χειροτονηθεὶς λελύμανται τὸ 
ἱππικὸν ὑμῶν. Compare supra, § 81. 

ἄνω καὶ κάτω Memomxe, peturbavit, confudit, permiscuit, in- 
vertit. Wotr. 

ᾧ 37. τοὺς παρὰ, x. τ. 1. Construe in this order: ἅπαν- 
τες ἐμίσουν τοὺς λαμβάνοντας χρήματα παρὰ τῶν βουλ. coy. 
The vulg. has οὐδὲν ποικίλον οὐδὲ σοφὸν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι before τοὺς, 
which words are wanting in the Codd. Σ, Y, and not 
noticed by Aristides. Cf. SpENGEL, p. 179. They are 
not in the spirit of Demosthenes, and I have with VoEMEL 
rejected them. 

χαλεπώτατον ἦν. Wor: et gravissimum crimen erat, si 
quis accepisse munera convincebatur. 

τιμωρίᾳ μεγίστῃ, x. τ. Δ. In the purer days of the repub- 
lic, a person convicted of taking a bribe was condemned to 
death, or fined ten times the value of the present he had 
received. Borcxu, Staatsh. I. p. 399. The penalty of 
confiscation and infamy was sometimes inflicted. The laws 
in relation to this offence still remained unaltered ; Demos- 
thenes means that formerly they were rigorously enforced, 
whereas now, from the decline of moral feeling and perhaps 
from indolence, corruption and treason had free course. 

§ 38. Tov οὖν καιρὸν, x. τ. Δ. The sense is, Hence it was 
not possible to purchase from the orators nor generals the 


220 — PHILP PIG ItIl. 


single advantages [i. 6. opportunities of winning], which 
fortune frequently furnishes. This is said in reference 
to the venal orators Aischines, Eubulus, and others, who 
labored to thwart every measure that could benefit Athens. 
The generals, too, from the same cause, often sought their 
own profit in postponing or neglecting the chances which 
offered themselves. Concerning this general corruption in 
the Grecian cities, see Dem. Or. de Cor. 88 61, 295 et seq. 
C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § 72. 

§ 39. ἅπανθ᾽... «ταῦτα, i. 6. the patriotic principles 
and integrity above described. Now all these are bartered, 
as it were, in the market-place. 

ἀντεισῆκται, perf. pass. of ἀντεισάγω, here used instead of 
the present to denote what was usual. ἀντεισάγειν and εἰσά- 
yew are both used concerning the exchange and importation 
of merchandise. Cf. Or. de Cor. ὃ 145. Construe thus: 
ἀντὶ τούτων δὲ ἀντεισῆχται [ἕτερα] ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἀπόλωλε 
καὶ VEVOSNAEY. Concerning νοσεῖν, see supra, ὃ 12. 

τούτοις is neuter plural. Hatred, should any one censure 
such conduct. For ἐπιτιμᾶν with the dative, cf. Bern- 
HARDY, Gr. Syntax, p. 92. Between the particles εἰ and 
ἂν (which is thus formed, εἰ a, ἐάν, ἄν) this difference is to 
be noticed: εἰ refers simply to a supposition; ἂν implies 
the notion of experience, like the English when in like 
circumstances: laughter, when he confesses; hatred, when 
any one blames his conduct. See the acute exposition 
of these particles by the learned Hermann ad VIGER. 
p. 832. 

ἤρτηται. This verb with ἐξ signifies to depend on, to 
follow as a consequence. Cf. Passow, Gr. Lez.; BERN- 
HARDY, Gr. Syntax, p. 227. The first of the cases here 
supposed refers to the shameless venality of Philocrates ; 
the latter is to be understood of the orator himself, and the 
unsuccessful impeachment he had recently made of the 
ambassadors, περὶ παραπρεσβείας. Compare Or. de Fal. 
Leg. § 272. 





NOTES. 221 


§ 49. Ἐπεὶ --- γε. Quandoquidem. HERm. 

σωμάτων, warriors, able-bodied men. Compare XEN. 
Anab. 1. 9. 12, καὶ χοήματα καὶ πόλεις καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν σώματα. 
Concerning the thought, compare Phil. I. § 40. 

παρασκευῆς signifies the equipment of an army, suppellex. 
GorLLeR ad Tuucyp. 1.10. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. ὃ 89. 

γῦν is opposed to τότε, Which refers to the time of the 
Persian war. FRANKE. 

ἅπασι. The orator refers to the Greeks in general, not 
merely to the Athenians. 

ὑπὸ τῶν πωλούντων, under the influence of these traffickers. 
Observe the roundness and force imparted to the period by 
the three adjectives, ἄχρηστα ἄπρακτα ἀνόνητα, with which 
compare Phil. I. § 36. 

§ 41. γράμματα, record, inscription. Cf. Or. de Corona, 
§ δῦ, τὰ δημόσια γράμματα. Public documents were not 
unfrequently engraved on tablets or columns of stone or 
brass, both for the purpose of securing greater durability 
and to prevent alterations. Hence, γράφειν originally sig- 
nified to grave, corresponding to the Lat..incidere, for 
which sometimes inscribere was used. This notion of in- 
cision was connected even with writing letters, as appears 
in the common expression, εἰς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς γράφω. Cf. 
supra, § 27. . 

ἃ ᾽χεῖνοι. Order of construction: ἃ ’xetvor γράψαντες sig 
στήλην χαλκῆν κατέθεντο εἰς ἀκρόπολιν. The following pas- 
sage inclosed in brackets is not contained in Codex & pr. 
manu, but is so perfectly in the style and spirit of Demos- 
thenes, that I do not think it proper to withhold it from 
the reader, as Barrer and Sauprre and FRANKE have 
done. If the opinion entertained by many of the most 
eminent critics of our own times is correct, that the great 
difference to be found in the manuscripts of this and several 
other orations is to be ascribed to a revision of them by the 
orator himself, we must believe that this thought was in- 


serted by his own hand. 
20 


222 PHIL TPPIO VILE. 


ὡς ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων σπουδάζειν προσήχει. . The sense is, 
how severe tt ts necessary to be in such cases, i. 6. in rela- 
tion to such offences. ὑπὲρ is here used very much in the 
sense of περί, a thing not unusual with our author. Com- 
pare Phil. I. § 1, and note. 

§ 42. "Aofuws. The Codex S and several others ex- 
hibit ᾿“ρίθμιος, which RuEpIGER prefers. But the vulg. 
form ἴάρθμιος is found in Drm. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 271. 
Cf. οι, p. 168. Also Auschines alluding to this Arth- 
mius (Or. adv. Ctesiphon. § 258), mentions him as πρόξενος 
τῶν Abyvaiov. The πρόξενος was a person appointed by 
the state in foreign cities to protect the interest of its citi- 
zens (not unlike our foreign consuls), who enjoyed all the 
privileges which a foreigner could possess in Athens without 
‘being acitizen. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt.§ 116, π. 4. Un- 
less some relation of this kind existed between Arthmius 
and the Athenians, it is difficult to perceive the propriety 
of such a decree, which was in general issued only against 
citizens. 

ἄτιμος. The orator explains more fully infra, ὃ 44. 

αὐτὸς χαὶ γένος. This is said by way of exception, for 
the dishonor attached usually only to the person convicted. 
It was the deepest brand of infamy when it was extended 
to the family of the criminal. 

tov χρυσὸν. This term signifies in general, gold -un- 
wrought or uncoined. In the following section the orator 
employs the more exact χρυσίον, which denotes the metal 
coined. The same distinction obtains between ἄργυρος and 
ἀργύριον. ‘Compare Or. de Cor. § 86; ΒΟΕΒΟΚΗ, Staatsh. 11. 
p- 213. 

§ 438. “ογίζεσθε δὴ. κ- τ. 2. Think, then, ....what must 
have been the spirit of the Athenians of that time, ete. 

ἀξίωμα. «“ Dignitatem hic appellat magnifica facta, tanta 
republica digna.”” Wotr. But,I agree with Schaefer, that 
it is to be understood of a moral dignity: “ Mihi videtur 
ἀξίωμα h. 1. esse idem quod georjuc.” 


NOTES. 223 


Ζέλια.. Hujus loct meminit Homerus Iliad 11. 824, ubi 
videndus est Eustathius, qui monet, hanc urbem in ultima 
montis Id@ parte sitam fuisse, centum nonaginta stadiis a 
Cyzico distantem, ad fluvium Asopum. Ruep. The gold 
coins of Cyzicum were celebrated ; its staters were called 
Κυζικηνοί. Cf. Dem. Or. adv. Mid. § 173; Boxcxu, 
Staatsh. I. p. 25. Athens in earlier times did not coin 
gold, or at most very little, and even so late as the time of 
Demosthenes the gold in circulation was chiefly foreign. 
The money used in trade was commonly silver. ΒΟΕΟΚΗ, 
Staatsh. 1. 24 -- 82. 

ἀνέγραψαν. This verb is used in regard to laws and 
other public documents, which were graved in stone or 
metal. Hence, to make known, to publish, both in a good 
and in a bad sense. Cf. supra, § 41, note. 

§ 44. ἀτιμίαν. There were several degrees of ἀτιμία at 
Athens. Murer (de Bonis Damnat. p. 105) distinguishes 
three, maxima, media, minima. The first is where the per- 
sons of the convicts were infamous and their property con- 
fiscated. The second was that in which the persons were 
branded with dishonor, though they were allowed to rétain 
their property.. These two sentences were sometimes ex- 
tended to the descendants of the offender. The third or 
least degree was that with which the debtors to the public 
treasury were affected, by which they were suspended from 
the exercise of certain civil rights till they discharged the 
debt (cf. C. F. Herm. Staatsalt. § 124, n. 8). If the pay- 
ment was deferred for too long a period, it was sometimes 
attended with confiscation. Such persons were ἄτιμοι κατὰ 
προστάξεις, as ANDocIDES (de Myster. p. 35) calls them ; 
that is, in certain respects, the particular disqualification 
being specified in their sentence; namely to speak in the 
Assembly, to become Senator, to institute a legal complaint, 
to visit particular places, ete. The ἄτιμοι of the second 
class were deprived of all public rights; they were pro- 
hii*ted from all assemblies of the people, from the market, 


324 PHILIP PTC FIL. 


from public sacrifices, or if they ventured to pass the 
prescribed limits they were seized and thrown into prison 
(ScnoEm. de Comit. Ath. p. 74). Theft, cowardice in war, 
false witness, unfilial treatment of parents, insults to officiat- 
ing magistrates, wasteful extravagance, profligacy, or the 
like, were punished with this species of ignominy. Such 
ἀτιμία Was very common, and is probably what the orator 
refers to by the words ἣν οὑτωσί τις ἂν φήσειε ἀτιμίαν. But 
the ἄτιμοι of the highest degree lost all protection of the 
laws; politically speaking they ceased to exist, and, like 
outlaws could be put to death with impunity. Proscrip- 
tions of this nature are very rarely mentioned by the ancient 
authors. The case of Arthmius is again commented upon 
by Demosthenes, Or. de Fal. Leg. § 271. Also by Ais- 
chines, Or. adv. Ctesiphon. p. 647, and by Dinarcuus, 
Or. adv. Aristog. p. 108. 

§ 44. τῷ Ζελείτῃ. Themistocles, according to Plutarch, 
was the author of the terrible decree here alluded to. The 
occasion of its publication (I follow the account given by 
TouRREIL) was briefly as follows. Egypt had shaken off 
the yoke of Artaxerxes, who immediately marched with a 
formidable army to chastise the rebels into obedience. This 
he was ‘unable to do, for the reason that Athens had sent 
troops to their assistance. ‘he anger of Artaxerxes was 
thereupon turned against the Athenians. He sent secret 
agents into Peloponnesus, with large sums of money, to 
induce the states to commence war against them. But the 
temptation proved vain; Sparta, notwithstanding her deep- 
rooted jealousy and hatred which on other occasions were 
ready to kindle, refused to lend herself to the resentment 
of the king of Persia. It is probable that Arthmius was 
one of these emissaries, though his name is not mentioned 
by Diodorus, and that he was thus stigmatized on account 


of his previous intimate relations with Athens. 
ἐν τοῖς φονιχοῖς .... νύμοις. %. τ. 2., in the laws relating to 
murder, concerning those cases in which it is not permitted 


WOTEE.'.'-_ 225 
to arraign the homicide. Understand ὁ γνομοθέτης as the 
subject of διδῷ, 1. 6. Draco, whose laws concerning capital 
crimes continued in force. Comp. Dem. Or. adv. Euerg. et 
Mnesib.§ 71; Wacusmutu, Gr. Antiq. 11. p. 268 et seqq. 
A murderer in Attica was at liberty to leave the country, 
if he pleased, before the sentence of the Areopagus was 
pronounced. Noone had aright tostop him; the parricide 
only was arrested and compelled to await his trial. If the 
person accused of murder was pronounced guilty, and he 
was still in the country, he suffered death, which was the 
punishment prescribed by the statutes-of Draco. Whoever 
had escaped this sentence by flight dared not return home ; 
if he did, he was ἄτιμος in the highest degree, and any one 
who killed him was not amenable to justice. If any person 
should slay him in his flight, or while he remained abroad, 
he was himself a murderer. C. O. Murenuer, Eumenid. 
p- 127. Cf. Or. adv. Aristocr. § 37 et seqq., where the 
orator discusses this law. The expression δίκας δικάζειν is 
said of the judge, δίκας δικάζεσθαι of him who is tried. 
Sometimes merely the crime is designated without δίκας ; 
as, Or. adv. Aristocr. § 67, τοῦ φόνου δικάζεσθαι, to be tried 
for murder. 

Τοῦτο δὴ λέγει, x. τ. 2., That is to say, he who kills any of 
these (sc. infamous persons) ts innocent. Draco ait enim 
ἄτιμος τεθνάτω ὁ τοιοῦτος, quod Demosthenes recte explicat 
καθαρὸς ἔστω ὁ TOY τοιοῦτον ἀποχτείνας. MEIER, de Bonis 
Damnat. p. 102. 

§ 45. μὴ τοῦθ᾽ ὑπολαμβάνουσιν, unless they thought so. 
μὴ here has the force of εἰ uj. WouF interprets: Alioqui 
non curassent, st quis in Peloponneso aliquos emeret et cor- 
rumperet, nisi ita sensissent. 

Ἐκχόλαζον --- ἐτιμωροῦντο. The first of these verbs is used 
in relation to chastising for the purpose of correcting the 
offender; the other, in regard to the penalty due to the 
laws. 


, ~ ° . . Φ7 . . 
στηλίτας ποιεῖν, to stigmatize by inscribing their names on 
20* 


226 | PHILIPPIC Tit. 


acolumn. After αἴσθοιντο many MSS. have δωροδοχοῦντας, 
which SPENGEL justly condemns, for Demosthenes 15 speak- 
ing of bribers, not of those who took bribes. ‘The meaning 
of ove αἰσθοιντο is evident from the preceding verbs ὠνεῖται 
and διαφθείρει ; if another defining word were necessary, it 
would be διαφθείροντας, the very opposite of the clearly 
false emendation dwpodozovrtas, which SCHAEFER approves. 

Ex δὲ τούτων εἰκότως, And hence deservedly. 

ta τῶν Ἑλλήνων, instead of ot “EAdyvec. Cf. Phil. 1. 12. 
The following adjective φοβθρά is to be understood in an 
active sense of the dread which they inspired. 

ᾧ 46. παραπλησίως, supply ἔχουσι. The sense is, All the 
other Greeks are in the same way and no better than your- 
selves. 

βουλῆς ἀγαθῆς. RuEpicER places these words after 
προσδεῖσθαι. J have followed the collocation of BeKKER 
and VorMEL. Both these editors retain the vulg. Tivoy be- 
fore εἴπω, which SPENGEL with reason regards as a spurious 
addition of a later age, inserted to produce a closer con- 
nection. The words inclosed in brackets are preserved in 
the Codices of the second family, and probably were writ- 
ten by the orator in the revision already mentioned. The 
evident confusion in the common text, as well as the varia- 
tion in the manuscripts, led SpENGEL to the opinion, that 
the books contained a mixture of the original and revision. 
The Cod. X omits the words included in brackets. 

§ 47. εὐήθης λόγος. εὐγθης is like our simple, good- 
natured ; said in derision. So Or. de Corona, § 11, τοῦτο 
παντελῶς εὔηθες ὠήθης. : 

γῆς ἁπάσης, that is, all Greece. By means of the decad- 
archie and harmoste, which the Lacedzemonians everywhere 
established after the close of the Peloponnesian war, they 
might literally be said to govern all. Comp. Or. de Cor. 
§ 96, “αχεδαιμονίων γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἀρχόντων, x. τ. 1. 
WrnieEwsk1, Hist. Com. Ῥ. 16. 

ὑφίστατο δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτούς, nothing seieheiaba them. The 





ea ee τ 


Ἂ, 


NOTES. 227 


-Greeks were not fond of continuing a relative construction ; 


hence the sudden change often gives the appearance of a 
want of connection. ὑφίστασθαι, sustinere, is construed 
either with the acc. or dat. Tuuc. 11: 61, ξυμφοραῖς ταῖς 
μεγίσταις ἐθέλειν ὑφίστασθαι. Cf. Marry. Gr. § 400. 

ἀνηρπάσθη. REISKE explains, “ funditus perdere, ut si 
arborem radicitus humo evellas.”’ In this sense A‘scHINES, 
Or. adv. Ctes. 133: Θῆβαι δέ, Θῆβαι, πόλις ἀστυγείτων, μεθ᾽ 
ἡμέραν μίαν ἐκ μέσης τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος ἀνήρπασται. 

ἐπίδοσι. Hxsycuius and Surpas explain by αὔξησις, 
προσθήκη. 

καὶ οὐδέν... .. πρότερον, and the state of affairs now bears 
no resemblance to the past. 

οὐδὲν ἡγοῦμαι ... . . ἐπιδεδωκέναι. The sense is, Yet I think 
nothing has made more advancement and improvement than 
the art of war. A comparison of this passage with Phil. I.° 
§ 3, will show that a marked change had taken place in our 
orator’s sentiments within ten years. There he himself 
cites their successful resistance of Sparta as a reason for 
encouragement in the contest with Philip. But the times 
were now different. The wealth and resources of the 
Grecian states had increased, but they lay more in the 
hands of individuals, and less in the coffers of the public. 
No doubt much of this improvement in their prosperity 
was to be attributed to the peace which they had enjoyed 
for the last five years. But in nothing was the change more 
evident than in the manner of carrying on war, and this 
was to be ascribed mainly to Philip. His residence in 
Thebes had not only given him an insight into ‘the con- 
dition and policy of the Grecian states, but had doubtless 
suggested to him many improvements in military tactics, 
which he afterwards carried out and perfected into a system 
(cf. BRuEcKNER, Konig Phil. p. 308). The chief of these 
was the Macedonian phalanx, which, directed by Philip’s 
energetic promptness, skill, and observation, was an instru- 
ment of warfare which gave him an immense advantage 


228 PHILDP PREC. 


over his less enterprising neighbors. It is true that Demos- 
thenes does not attribute his successes to this phalanx, but 
its history shows that in battle it was always very effective. 
The orator proceeds to compare the old method of con- 
ducting a campaign with the innovations Philip had in- 
troduced. 

ἐπιδεδωκχέναι, here equivalent to ηὐξῆσθαι augmentum ce- 
pisse. 

§ 48. τὴν ὡραίαν is used substantively, and embraces the 
whole season of the growth and ripening of fruits, Spring 
and Summer. ἡ ὡραία, sc. ὥρα tov ἔτους, bellissima et ma- 
turrima anni tempestas, que profert omnia ad τὴν ὥραν per- 
fectionem, percocta et maturata. Rurskr. In Thucydides 
we often find this general division of the year into two 
seasons, θέρος and χειμών. The acc. denotes the duration 
of the campaign. 

πολιτικοῖς στρατεύμασιν. The Lacedemonians did not 
employ mercenaries in war. ‘Their soldiers were citizens 
who conld not remain long absent from their homes. They 
had no skill in light, predatory warfare, and scarcely any in 
sieges, in which they were always inferior. Their usual 
method was to encircle a town by an intrenchment, and, by 
thus cutting off all supplies, force it by hunger to capitu- 
late. WacusmuTH, II. 580 -- 419. 

ἀρχαίως. Harpocrat. ἁπλῶς, in the oid primitive man- 
ner. The orator adds, by way of explanation, μᾶλλον δὲ 
πολιτιχῶς. 1. 6. as became citizens and honest men. In the 
Oration on the Crown, § 19, πολιτικόν is coupled with 
δίκαιον. RUEDIGER aptly quotes Xen. de Rep. Laced. 10. 
7, where πολιτικὴ ἀρετή is explained by ta νόμιμα. 

§ 49. ἐχ παρατάξεως, ex acie instructa, quoniam ex ea 
impetus fit. RueEp. y 

τῷ --- ἄγειν is dat. of cause or means. ΜΑΊΤΗ. Gr. 
§ 380. Construe, ἀκούετε δὲ (ϑίλιππον βαδίζονθ᾽ ὅποι βούλεται 
οὐχὶ τῷ ἄγειν φάλαγγα ὁπλιτῶν, ἀλλὰ τῷ, κ. τ. Δ. οὐχὶ is 
stronger than οὐχ, and signifies by no means. Compare 
infra, § 51. 


NOTES. 229 


ἐξηρτύσθαι, vulg. ἐξηρτῆσθαι, which BexxeER with ΒΈΙΒΚΕ 
retains. But our reading is supported by several of. the 
best MSS. (Aug. 1. 2. 3., F, Y. In Cod. S yo. gives ἐξαρτύ- 
eof), and it is more suitable to the context. THuc. I. 
13, ναυτικά te ἐξηρτύετο ἡ Ἑλλάς. Ibid. 80, ἄριστα ἐξήρτυν- 
ται πλούτῳ τε ἰδίῳ καὶ δημοσίῳ καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις 
καὶ ὄχλῳ. SCHAEFER defends it: Nam ἐξαρτύειν proprium 
verbum est de apparatu bellico magisque decet hujus loct 
gravitatem. But whether ἐξηρτύσθαι or ἐξηρτῆσθαι, is pre- 
ferred, the sense of the passage wemains the same: but 
because he has furnished himself with an army of light 
troops, cavalry, bowmen, mercenaries, and the like. 

§ 59. ἐπὶ τούτοις, with these. Many Codices have χρατῶν 
after τούτοις, and omit ἐπὶ, as the vulg. exhibits. The 
Codex X has ἐπὶ, but χρατῶν stands in the margin. WoLF 
interprets, quibus prefectus. The prep. ἐπὶ denotes merely 
a connection (cf. Marry. Gr. § 586), unless, indeed, we 
prefer to receive ἐπὶ τούτοις in a general adverbial significa- 
tion in these circumstances. Cf. BERNHARDY, Gr. Syntaa, 
p. 250. | 

ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας, in defence of the country. 

bv ἀπιστίαν, ““ ex mutua partium diffidentia, quod una me- 
tuat proditionem alterius, ut sola dominetur.”” Brent. 

μηχανήματ᾽ ἐπιστήσας. Compare supra, 88 17, 18. 

ὡς οὐδὲν διαφέρει, that it makes no difference, that is, to 
Philip (BexKeEr, first ed., reads αὐτῷ before διαφέρει), 
who followed up his campaigns both winter and summer. 
The remainder of the sentence, οὐδ᾽ ἐστὶν, x. τ. 2., is added 
by way of explanation: nor ts any season excepted, which 
he leaves unemployed. 

§ 51. ov δεῖ προσέσθαι. This expresses the notion of 
warning, and is equivalent to δεῖ μὴ προσέσθαι, in which 
sense Jacoss well interprets Hiitet euch also, da ihr diese 
Umstdnde wisst, dem Kriege Eingang in unsere Grdnzen 
zu verstatten. 

εὐήθειαν, simplicity, i.e. the straightforward, open war 


230 PHILPRPILOC Tit. ἔ 


described above, ὃ 48. “This term is employed,” ob- 
serves Wor, “because no stratagems or treachery was 
resorted to, and campaigns were made at stated seasons of 
the year.” 

ἐχτραχηλισθῆναι. The Etymol. Magnum. explains ἔστιν 
ἄντι tov διαμαρτάνειν ἐχπεσόντα, ἀπὸ μεταφορᾶς τῶν τοὺς 
ἵππους ἀναβαινόντων. The verb, as employed here, signifies 
io ptunge headlong into destruction, in which sense WoLF 
renders, colla frangatis. 

ὡς ἐκ πλείστου, as much as possible. VicER. p. 598. 
Most commentators understand it in regard to time. 
Wotr: quam diutissime ante. JacoBs: von weitem her. 

τοῖς πράγμασι, κ- τ. Δ. To be connected with σχοποῦντας. 
The sense is, but in your measures and preparations, you 
should provide that he does not stir from home, i. e. prevent 
his leaving Macedonia. Understand δεῖ. 

§ 52. πολλὰ φύσει πλεονεχτήμαθ᾽ ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει, κ. τ. ds 
We possess, it is true, many natural advantages, provided, 
etc. Rerske from four MSS. edits ὑμῖν, which is found 
also in Cod. ©; but ΒΕΚΚΕΒ and VoEMEL ἡμῖν, as the 
context requires. 

Πρὸς ---- Εἰς. Comp. Olynth. III. ὁ 1. 

ἧς — πολλὴν. Render this, the greatest part of which. 
In such expressions the partitive is put in the same gender 
as the substantive which it governs. ΠῈΜ. Or. adv. Lept. 
§ 8, τὸν ἥμισυν — τοῦ χρόνου. Numerous examples are col- 
lected by F. A. Wour ad Lept. p. 223. 

ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν. See Phil. I. § 34, note. 

ἄλλα μυρία. μυρία with this accent is used for any in- 
definite number (KUEHNER, Gr. § 99. at As we should 
say, and ten thousand others. 

ἀγώνα, battle, is distinguished from πόλεμος, war, which, 
being of greater duration, demands other resources than 
armies. Demosthenes speaks more fully of the requisites 
for each in Or. de Class. § 9. ‘* Every war,” says he, 
“‘necessarily demands vessels and money-and advantageous 





NOTES. 231 


positions. In all these respects the king of Persia is better 
supplied than we; but a battle requires above all things 
brave men, and in these we and our allies possess greatly 
the advantage.” 

ἄμεινον — ἤσκηται, he is more exercised. Since the con- 
clusion of peace the Athenians had been sitting idle at 
home, whereas Philip and his army had been almost con- 
stantly in the field, engaged in Illyria, Thessaly, Thrace, 
and in a great number of other expeditions. 

8. 53. Οὐ μόνον ---οὐδὲς The adv. μόνον belongs to both 
negatives. SCHAEFER remarks: Adverte Grecorum con- 
suetudinem tn talibus enuntiationibus adverbium μόνον soli 
priori membro sic tribuentium, ut etiam ad posterius perti-— 
neat. Examples of this construction may be seen in Or. de 
Corona, §§ 2,938,107. To avoid tautology, however, in 
rendering, the sense may be sufficiently given by translating 
οὐδὲ, and. 

τοῖς TOU πολέμου, equivalent to τῷ πολέμῳ. Compare supra, 
§ 45. 

λογισμῷ καὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ... ἐκείνοις, No effectual resist- 
ance can be made to Philip as long as public opinicn 
countenances the traitors who plead his cause. The war 
must commence at home in their own bosoms, for it is only 
by hating with mind and soul, and by punishing the 
enemies within the city, that they can hope to conquer 
those without. ‘The orator expresses the same conviction 
in Or. de Cherson. § 61: τοὺς πεπραχότας αὑτοὺς ἐχείνῳ 
μισεῖν τε καὶ ἀποτυμπανίσαι. Ov yao ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστι τῶν ἔξω 
τῆς πόλεως ἐχθρῶν χρατῆσαι, πρὶν ἂν τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει 
κολάσητ᾽ ἐχθροὺς ὑπηρετοῦντας ἐκείνῳ. πρὶν ἄν — κολάσητε. 
The subjunctive aorist with πρὶν ἂν, ἕως ἄν, etc., has the 
force of a future perfect. Cf. Sopu. Antig. 171. μισῆσαι 
est odium concipere ; μισεῖν, odisse. FRANKE. 

§ ὅ4. οὐκ ἔχω τί λέγω, 1 do not know what to call it. 
πολλάχις yao, κ- τ. Δ. Render, for often the apprehension 
forces itself upon my own mind that some demon is driving 


232 PHELEEP PER ΤΙ: 


the republic on to perdition. A melancholy, disheartened 
spirit pervades the whole of this oration. A heavy doom 
seems to weigh upon Athens, which, on account of the 
vile treachery of some. citizens and the mad folly of others, 
the orator has little hope of averting. 

It was an ancient and common belief among the Greeks, 
that the gods perverted the mind of him whom they had 
- marked for destruction. This was effected through “τη, 
who was sent to infatuate him and delude him to the ac- 
complishment of his own ruin. Sopnocues cites an old 
adage of this kind, which he calls famous (χλεινὸν ἔπος); 
Antig. v. 599 : 


Νὴ \ ~ 5 Ἁ 
τὸ xanov δοχεῖν ποτ᾽ ξἐσθλον 
~ , ivf 
τῷδ᾽ ἔμμεν, OTM φρένας 
A y+ \ 4 
Geog ἀγει προς ἄταν. 


So EvripiprEs, quoted by Lycureus, Or. adv. Leoer. 
§ 92: 


ὅταν yao ὀργὴ δαιμόνων βλάπτῃ τινά, 
τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ πρῶτον ἐξαφαιρεῖται φρενῶν 
τὸν νοῦν τὸν ἐσθλόν, εἰς δὲ τὴν χείρω τρέπει 
γνώμην, ἵν᾽ εἰδῇ μηδὲν ὧν ἁμαρτάνει. 
Denn wem der Gotter Willen Untergang beschloss, 
Dem raubt er aus dem Busen alsobald zuerst 
Den klugen Sinn, und wandelt ihn in Thorheit um, 
Damit sein Irrthum selber ihm verborgen set. 
JACOBS. 


Such passages are of frequent occurrence among the 
ancients, who appear to have regarded in the actions of 
the gods not so much the moral effect as the arbitrary dis- 
play of might and superiority above human nature. 

ἂν τύχητΕ. Compare Phil. I. § 46. Tourrein: Soit 
envie, ou malignité, soit penchant pour la satire, ow quelque 
aulre motif que ce soit. Isocrar. Panath. ed Aue. p. 444, 
λέγοντας 0, τι ἂν τὐχωσίν, quodcunque obviam fuerit garrire. 





NOTES. 233 


ὧν οὐδ᾽, x. t.2. Construe in the following order: ἔνιοι ὧν 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἀρνηθεῖεν ὡς οὐχ εἰσὶ τοιοῦτοι. 

λοιδορεῖσθαι is used with the dat., λοιδορεῖν with the acc. 
Marry. Gr. ὃ 383; Bernuarpy, Gr. Synt. p. 99. In 
the mid. it signifies, to engage in an abusive quarrel with 
any one. ᾿ ‘ 

§ 55. οὐχί πω, a stronger expression for οὔπω. The 
sense is, And this is not the worst, though it is bad enough. 
So in Or. de Cherson. § 30, καὶ τὸ μὲν τούτων τινὰς εἶναι 
τοιούτους δεινὸν ov ov δεινόν ἐστιν. 

The subject of παρασχευάζει is τὸ ἐθελειν ἀκροᾶσθαι τῶν 
τοιούτων. Αἰφιια spectate, quanta ex eo mala exsistunt, quod 
tales audire vultis. Wotr. 

ἀκροᾶσαι. vulg. and BEKK. RUEDIGER edits ἀχούειν, which 
is also found in many good Codices. Compare DissEn ad 
Or. de Cor. § 2. . 

§ 56. The orator proceeds to show the dangers of this 
course, citing the example of several other cities which have 
brought on their own ruin in a similar manner. Most of 
them have already been alluded to several times in these 
orations, \ 

τῶν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι τινὲς, some of those in the adminis- 
tration of affairs, magistrates. Similarly, Taucyp. III. 28, 
οἱ ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν — ὄντες, qui reipublice preerant. GOoEL- 
LER. In the same sense, THucyp. VI. 39, οἱ τὰ πράγματα 
ἔχοντες. Isocrat. Panath., οἱ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἔχοντες. ; 

The gen. Φιλίππου depends οὐ σαν. They were Philip’s, 
because he had purchased them with his presents. 

tov βελτίστου. ΒΒΕΜΙ regards this also as dependent on 
Ἦσαν, interpreting εἶναι τοῦ βελτίστου, studere rebus optimis. 
εἶναι is very commonly used to denote possession, as of prop- 
erty, connected with which idea is the signification of to be 
devoted to, or to belong to, as to a class. It is very rare that 
it is used to denote the devotion of persons to a thing, with- 
out a preposition, and this requires to be supported by 


examples. In the meantime, until this is made clear by 
21 


234 PHILIPPIC IIL. 


~ 


further investigation, I prefer to govern τοῦ βελτίστου by 
ὑπέρ understood, which is indeed found in one of the oldest 
edd. (Felic). Compare Dem. contr. Androt. 864, τὸν yao 
ὑπὲρ πόλεως πράττοντά τι δεῖ τὸ“ τῆς πόλεως ἦθος μιμεῖσθαι. 
Or. de Cherson. § 69, ὅστις δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ θελτίστου πολλὰ 
ἐναντιοῦται. Ibid. § 82, ἕνεκα τοῦ βελτίστου λέγω. 

ὅπως μὴ δουλεύσωσιν. I have adopted this reading from 
Cod. X, which frequently has ὅπως pi joined with the subj. 
mode, which BEKKER and other editors almost universally 
reject for the ind. fut. But ὅπως μή is often merely equiva- 
lent in use to μή (see Passow, Gr. Lex.) ; or, where the 
purpose is negative, to ἵνα μή (Marru. Gr. § 623), when 
the subj. aor. may be employed with the greatest propriety 
(cf. infra, § 69; ViGER. p. 436). Bernuarpy, Gr. Syntaz, 
Ῥ. 402, observes that the idiom had become established, 
that these particles required either the subj. aor. or ind. 
fut., between which there is in such case very little differ- 
ence (compare THucyD. IV. 66). 

Πότεροι δὴ. The particle δή has the effect of making 
something prominent which is known or acknowledged, or 
something presupposed to which a general agreement is 
expected. The orator is sure that there can be but one 
answer to the question. See C. O. Murtuer, Eumenid. p. 
183. 

τούς ἱππέας προὔδοσαν. Demosthenes in Or. de Fal. Leg. 
§ 266, relates that five hundred Olynthian horse were 
treacherously delivered into the hands of Philip by their 
own Officers. 

Οἱ ta Φιλίππου, x. t..2., answers to the preceding ques- 
tion. 

ὅτ᾽ ἦν ἡ πόλις. vis emphatic: while the city was yet in 
existence. 

ὥστε TOY γ᾽, κι τ. Δ. The order of construction is: ὥστε ὁ 
δῆμος ὁ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων ἐπείσθη. ἐκβαλεῖν τόν γ᾽ ᾿,Γπολλωνίδην. 
Apollonides belonged to the anti-Macedonian party. He is 


mentioned again infra, § 66. Bremr is wrong in asserting 


NOTES. 235 


that he was the general who betrayed the cavalry to Philip. 

§ 57. τὸ ἔθος τοῦτο, this habit, viz. that of listening to 
those venal orators. Cf. supra, ὃ 56. 

οὐ — μόνον ---- δ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ are to be explained as in § 53. 

ἐν Ἐρετρίᾳ. When Philip was taking measures to get 
possession of the cities of Eubcea, Plutarch, who was then 
tyrant of Eretria (cf. supra, ὃ 33), implored the Athenians 
to aid him in expelling the Macedonians from the island. 
Thereupon a force was despatched under the command of 
Phocion, who, though decoyed by traitors into an ambush at 
Tamynz, and deserted by Plutarch himself (WINIEWSKI, 
Ρ- 162), gained a signal victory over the Macedonian and 
Phocian troops. Boxrckxu, Staatsh. 11. 110. Plutarch was 
afterwards expelled by Phocion, because he was false to the 
Athenians, and endeavored to excite the Eubceans to revolt 
(Borcxu, ibid. ex Unpian. ad Dem. Or. de Fal. Leg. 
§ 290; WiNIEWsKI, p. 163). <A free government was 
therefore again established, and the people governed them- 
selves for a time, till, dissensions again arising, the majority 
decided to call in the aid of Philip, who installed the three 
tyrants mentioned below (BRruEcKNER, Kénig Phil. p. 
248). The time in which these events occurred is still a 
subject of controversy. From an allusion of Demosthenes, 
in his oration against Midias, to this expedition to Eubea, 
it appears that this took place immediately before that ora- 
tion was written. In what year was that oration written? 
On the determination of this question hangs another and 
more important one: In what year was Demosthenes born? 
In that oration he said he was then thirty-two years old. 
BoreckH (Ueber die Zeitverhdlt. der Dem. Rede geg. Meid., 
Berl. Acad. der Wissenschaft. 1818 -- 19) assigns this ora- 
tion to Ol. 106. 4. More recently, Droyvsen (Ueber das 
Geburtsjahr des Demosth.,:Ri, Mus. 4tes Jahr.) has made 
an investigation, from which he concludes that the orator 
was born near the close of Ol. 99, 2 (about June 382 B. 
C.). At the same time, and by a different method, ‘Prof. 


2 


236 PHILIP Rte 1. 


C. F. Hermann was led to nearly the same result. He 
places it in the following autumn, about November (Gét- 
ting. Lec. Cat. Wint. 1848 -- 46, De Demosth. anno natali), 
in the beginning of Ol. 99. 8. The expedition to Eubcea 
and the expulsion of Plutarch would, therefore, fall about 
the second year of the 107th Olympiad. 

ἀπαλλαγέντος ULPIAN explains by ἀπελαθέντος.. 

τῶν ξένων. These soldiers had been in the service of the 
Athenians, but as they became turbulent because they did 
not receive their pay, Plutarch had advanced the money, 
and thus won them to his own service. It is related that, 
with the aid of these mercenaries, he took the Athenian 
cohorts prisoners, with Molossus, their leader, the successor 
of Phocion, whom he refused to set at liberty except on the 
payment of fifty talents as a ransom. Luccues. ex. Ρ ΤΥ. 
Phoc. Vit. c. 18, and Unetan, ad Or. adv. Mid. p.. 360. 
RurD. Com. Hist.-p. 217; VoruMEL,> Prol> ΟΣ 
Olynth. p. 81. 

"Axovortes δὲ τούτων τὰ πολλά, his auscultantes in plerisque. 
WoLFr. τούτων, i. 6. the party in favor of committing 
affairs to Philip’s adjudication. i 

τελευτῶντες, at last. Marru. Gr. § 558. 

§ 58. Kai yao to. Compare Phil. I. 6. The word 
σύμμαχος is added with bitter irony. 

Kai μετὰ... .. σώζεσθαι, Posteaque e regione populares ex- 
pulit, quum bis jam pro libertate contenderent. WINIEWSKI. 
This is evidently a more correct rendering than that of 
Wotr, who connects δὶς with ἐξελήλαχεν. The sense is, 
“« The first rebellion was quelled, but when the liberal party 
endeavored the second time to regain their freedom, they 
were banished.” 

The words τότε μὲν... .. Παρμενίωνος given in the foot-note 
are wanting in Cod. Σ᾽, pr., and have strongly the air of 
having been appended afterwards. SpENGEL considers that 
they must have been added by the orator himself, or by 
one of his contemporaries, as history would scarcely ha‘9 





NOTES. 237 


preserved the names of the leaders of such expeditions. 
Parmenio is mentioned in Or. de Fal. Leg. § 69, ὁ Παρμενίων 
δεσπότῃ διακονῶν. The establishment of the tyrants is 
generally placed in Ol. 109. 1; the expedition of Eury- 
lochus and Parmenio in Ol, 109.2. Bruxckner, Konig 
Phil. p. 248; Ruepte. ad h. 1. 

§ 59. ἀλλ ἐν ‘Qoe@. ἀλλ᾽ here serves to introduce an- 
other example, and is to be referred to the same principle 
as above, § 57. The city of Oreus was a place of importance 
in the northern part of Eubcea.. Demosthenes in another 
oration (contr. Aristocr. § 213) mentions that the inhabit- 
ants occupied a fourth part of the island. It fell into the 
hands of Philip through the treachery of a few ambitious 
citizens, who, in order to obtain the government, bartered 
away their own independence. ‘This.occurred, as is most 
probable, in the same year in which this oration was 
delivered (Ol. 109. 3), for in Or. de Cherson. § 18, it is 
mentioned as an event of recent occurrence: ἂν — ἥκῃ 
τὸν αὐτὸν τρύπον, ὄνπερ ἐπ᾿ Ὠρεὸν mo yr. Cf. WiINnIEWSKI, 
p- 170. 

ἔπραττε Φιλίππῳ, favebat Philippo, gratiam ἐπολιτεύετο. 
~Scuarrer. Cf. Or. de Fal. Leg. § 77, Θηβαίους τὰ 
πράγματα πράττει. 

Εὐφραῖος. The following notice of Euphreus is given 
by Harpocration: οὗτος Qoeitns ἦν to γένος, μετέσχε δὲ 
καὶ τῆς Πλάτωνος διατριβῆς. ΤουΈΒΕΙτΙ, observes: La con- 
duite du disciple fit honneur au maitre. ὅπως ἐλεύθεροι, 
u.t.. ἔπραττε is to be repeated here : Euphreus was labor- 
ing that his fellow-citizens might be free, etc. The ind. fut. 
expresses the certain success which would have followed the 
adoption of his counsels. 

§ 60. ὑβρίζετο καὶ προὐπηλακίζετος. The former is the 
generic, the latter the specific term. Compare Or. adv. 
Androt. § 58, ὕβρισται καὶ προπηλάκισται.  Mishandeln und 


mit Fissen treten. Brent. 
21* 


238 PHIBEE Pec ΤΙ. 


πολλὰ av εἴη λέγειν. Similarly Isocrat. Evag. Ὁ. 802, 
διελθεῖν πολὺ av ἔργον εἴη. 

πρύτερον τῆς ἁλώσεως, previous to the taking of the city. 
mooteoor, like πρό, governs the gen. Cf. Brrnuarpy, Gr. 
Syntax, p. 233. 

ἐνέδειξεν. This and the noun ἔνδειξις were legal terms 
employed concerning lodging information against persons 
who were open and manifest violators of the laws. Po t- 
LUX: ἔνδειξις δὲ ἦν πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα ὁμολογουμένον ἀδι- 
κήματος, οὐ χρίσεως, ἀλλὰ τιμωρίας δεομένου. ‘ Atque 
ἔνδειξις proprie erat delatio eorum, qui legibus aut judicum 
sententiis aliquo aut loco aut munere aut jure exclusi, 
tamen eum locum adierant, aut jus illud atque munus 
usurpaverant.” ScHorem. de Comit. Ath. p. 175. The 
term ἐπαγγελία was «used in cases where information was 
lodged against those who had not yet been tried, and 
whose guilt was not yet proved. Concerning ἔνδειξις, ef. 
Boeck, Staatsh. I. 417 et seqq.; C. F. Herm. Antiq. Gr. 
8. 197. i. Ὅν WACHSMUTH OLE 2 fp. 298: 

Svotoapertes, clubbed or banded together. AiscHINES, 
11. p. 177, οὗτοι νῦν ἐπ᾽ ἐμὲ συστραφέντες ἥκουσι. Dem. Or. 
contr. Aristocr. § 170, συστραφέντων τοῦ τὲ ηρισάδου καὶ 
τοῦ ‘Auadoxov, which WouF renders, et Berisade et Ama- 
doco conspirantibus. 

χορηγὸν (see Phil. 1. § 86), used to signify one whe pays 
the expenses of any transaction. So used of Philip, Dem. Or. 
de Fal. Leg. § 216, Diianm χορηγῷ χρώμενος. 

§ G1. ἀποτυμπανίσαι signifies literally, to put to death by 
cudgelling. Buexxer, Anecd. p. 488, ἀποτυμπανίσαι" οὐκ 
ἁπλῶς TO ἀποχτεῖναι, ἀλλὰ τυμπάνοις ἀποχτεῖναι. The τύμπανον 
was a wooden club or staff, anciently employed in the ex- 
ecution of condemned criminals, but in later times super- 
seded by the sword. 

ἐπιτήδειον, in the sense of ἄξιον, like δίκαιος, Phil. 11. 
§ 37. So Escuin. Or. contr. Ctesiphon. § 230, οὐκ 





NOTES. 239 


ἐπιτήδειός ἐστι δοῦναι δίκην. Compare also Dem. Or. 
contr. Androt. ὃ 57. Sic Latine idoneus pro dignus. 
ScHAEFER. 

οἱ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ὁπόσης ἠβούλοντο. they conducted them- 
selves with as much license as they chose. οἱ μὲν denotes the 
partisans of Philip, the traitors above mentioned. βούλεσθαι 
with ὅπως, ὁπόσος, and the like signifies unbounded freedom 
of action. Cf. Bremr ad ἢ. 1. 

μεμνημένοι from Codices Σ, F, Bav. Vulg. μεμνημένος, 
which BexKeR and VoEMEL retain. The plural is de- 
fended by FUNKHAENEL, Obs. crit. in Phil. 111. p. 12. 
τις is used collectively. Compare Phil. I. § 48; Bern- 
HARDY, Gr. Syntax, p. 439. 

ῥῆξαι φωνήν, to utter a word, to speak out. So in Latin, 
rumpere vocem, VirG. Ain. III. 246, IX. 877. “ Signifi- 
canter dictum: loqui, tamquam ruptis vinculis, quibus timor 
vocem constrinxerat.”’ SCHAEFER. 

διασχευασάμενοι, drawn up in order of batile, instructa 
acie. WoLF. 

οἱ wey —oi δὲ The former refers to τῶν πόλλων. 

§ 62. οὕτως --- αἰσχρῶς καὶ κακῶς, thus, in this base and 
dastardly manner. 

τοὺς — owlortas, obj. of ἐκβαλόντες. αὐτοὺς refers to the 
tyrants themselves. Westermann reads ἑαυτοὺς. The 
sense is, ““ they banished and put to death those who pro- 
tected them when they were accused of treason by Eu- 
phreeus, and who were ready to treat the latter with every 
indignity.”’ Concerning ποιεῖν with two acc., cf. Marru. 
Gr. § 415. ΤΟΤΕ and AvuGER understand the expression 
Εὐφραῖον ὁτιοῦν ποιεῖν in a good sense : ** who were ready to 
encounter every danger to protect their country and liberate 
Euphreus.” In which Bremr concurs. But Jacons very 
justly observes, that the aim of the orator is to exhibit the 
baseness of the traitors in the strongest light, showing that 
they now treated with despotie cruelty the very people to 
whom they formerly owed their own safety, τότε sufficiently 


240 PHILIPPIC III ἘῸΝ 


indicates the time to which the passage is to be referred. 
ScHAEFER interprets ὁτιοῦν ποιεῖν, omnibus modis veware, 
alles mogliche anzuthun. 

ἔργῳ μαρτυρήσας, %.T.d., testifying by this deed that he 
had opposed Philip, in behalf of the citizens, from upright 
and pure motives. 

§ 63. τὸ καὶ. This reading is exhibited by the Codices 
2, Aug. 0?" BF. cand prs 2.) BEREBR ios von ie 
former is received as more correct by the principal recent 
editors. Compare Or. de Cherson. § 56, Τί mot’ οὖν ἐστὶ 
τὸ αἴτιον, ὦ ἄνδρες ᾿αθηνᾶιοι, τὸ τὸν μὲν, x. τ. Δ. FRANKE 
quotes Puar. Lach. p. 190. E, ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως ἐγὼ αἰτιος ---- τὸ σὲ 
ἀποχρίνασθαι μὴ τοῦτο. Compare further Xun. Anab, II. ὅ. 
22, ed. DInDORF, ὁ ἐμὸς ἔρως τούτου αἰτιος τὸ τοῖς “Ελλησιν 
ἐμὲ πιστὸν γενέσθαι. This accusative τὸ is absolute and 
severed from all syntactical connection. It signifies what 
_ the speaker means to say, and serves to introduce the ex- 
planation. FuNKHAENEL therefore interprets dico, intel- 
ligo, cogito hoc. Cf. Hurm. ad Sopu. Aj. vy. 114. The 
force of it may be thus given: You wonder, perhaps, what 
can be the reason for this, that, etc. 

ὅπερ καὶ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν. x. τ. d., the very [cause] which exists 
among you, — because it is sometimes impossible for those 
who advocate the best interests of the commonwealth to court 
popular favor, even if they would, The orator means that 
there are times when public affairs are in a bad condition, 
and when the honest and patriotic statesman is obliged to 
speak unpleasant truths and propose disagreeable remedies. 
Compare Phil. I. § 38. 

Τὰ --- πράγματ᾽, salus et libertas patria. Brent. 

Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν αὐτοῖς. x. τ. 2., But the others (i. 6. the venal 
orators) codperate with Philip in the very things in which 
they cajole the people. These are general remarks, which ap- 
ply not less to Athens than to those other cities, the story 
of whose downfall he now resumes. 

§ 64. Εἰὐἰσφέρειν ἐκέλευον. | Supply οἱ μέν, viz. the sin- 





NOTES. 241 


cere patriots. Concerning this ellipsis, see Herm. ad Vicer. 
p. 699; Marrn. Gr. § 287, n. 4. The expressions εἰσφέ- 
os χρήματα, εἰσφέρειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, etc. (cf. Phil. I. 
§ 7), were common political expressions, to signify the pay- 
ment of an extraordinary tax, which was levied on property 
in times of public emergency. The εἰσφορά was collected to 
meet the expenses of war; no one was exempt, as was the 
case in regard to the λειτουργίαι ; delay in payment was at- 
tended with confiscation. Herm. Staatsalt. § 162; Borckn, 
Staatsh. 1. 416. ‘This subject is treated by F. A. Wotr, 
Prol. ad Lept. p. 94, and WacusmutH, Gr. Antiq. II. 1. 
p. 136. 

μὴ πιστεύειν, sc. Φιλίππῳ. This verb also depends on 
ἐχέλευον. The points of dispute between the two parties are 
given with extraordinary brevity and force, and so worded 
as to bear directly upon the controversies in Athens. Com- 
pare supra, ᾧ 8 et seqq. 

ἕως ἐγκατελήφθησαν, donec circumventi sunt. Wor. Bis 
sie in dem Netze gefangen waren. JACOBS. 

ταοτ᾽ ἔλεγον. Some MSS. have after these words χαὶ ἐλύ- 
ποῦν οὐδέν; in others, they are found only on the margin. 
The recent editors reject them as a gloss. 

οἱ δ᾽. Supply thus: of δ᾽ ἔλεγον ταῦτ᾽ ἐξ ὧν ἔμελλον ow. 

The same Codices which have καὶ ἐλύπουν οὐδέν have also 
ποοσῆσαν δ᾽ ἀπέχθειαι. appended to σωθήσεσθαι. The rhythm 
of the period requires that both should be received or both 
rejected. Neither of them is necessary to the sense. 

Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ta τελευταῖαβ. RuEpiceR incorrectly in- 
terprets τελευταῖα as an adjective: multa eaque ultima. The 
intervention of the particle δὲ and of τὰ renders such a 
connection inadmissible. τὰ τελευταῖα is to be taken ad- 
verbially, as usual. Compare supra, § 12. For the sense 
is, that the people yielded most of their rights at the last 
moment, when they no longer had any hopes of being able 
to retain them. 

οὐχ οὕτως, κ. τ. ., not so, i. e. not indifferently. AUGER: 
nec temere, nec grati@ causa, nec per ignorationem. 


242 PHILIP PEC. TLE. 


τοῖς ὅλοι. Understand this as relating to Πολλὰ: con-- 
ceding much when they deemed themselves inferior in all, 
in danger of being robbed of the whole. Concerning this 
construction of ἡττᾶσθαι, see supra, § 36, note. 

§ 65. μηδὲν ἐν ὑμῖν ἐνόν, that nothing is in your power. 
FUNKHAENEL: quum sctetis re reputata nihil in vobis situm 
esse. The reading ἐχλογιζόμενοι yields a much more suitable 
sense than the vulg. ἐκ λογισμοῦ of BEKKER. 

μὴ γένοιτο. Compare Phil. 11. § 37. It is to be hoped, 
indeed, that your affairs may never come to this extremity, 
but if this should happen, you would better die a thousand 
times than do anything from obsequiousness to Philip. Such 
is in general the sense of the passage. The correction of 
the text from Cod. S γένοιτο piv — τεθνάναι δὲ establishes 
a clear and consistent connection, which is by no means 
_ clear in the vulg., γένοιτο ---- τεθνάναι yao. Further, the 
words χαὶ προέσθαι τῶν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν λεγόντων τινάς, which are 
found after (ίλιππου in the MSS. (except 2’), and in various 
editions, have been thrown into the foot-note, as they 
clearly could have formed no part of the original text. For 
certainly Demosthenes did not anticipate the demand of 
Alexander and the persecutions which the patriot orators 
were, several years later, called upon to endure. The con- 
jecture of Spengel, that it is not intended to signify the 
delivering up of the orators, but simply a disregard of them 
and a rejection of their counsels, js against the plain sense 
of the words. 

§ 66. Καλὴν γ᾽ --- χάριν, is highly ironical. Fine thanks 
surely. Compare Circ. Or. in Cat. I. 11, Preclaram vero 
— gratiam. The omission of μέν in the first member cor- 
responding to δ᾽ in the second, as well as that of the words 

ἀπειλήφασιν χάριν in the following sentence, is to be attribu- 
~ ted to oratorical brevity. : 

πρέσβεις: ἀπήλασε. Demosthenes in another place (Or. 

de Fal. Leg. § 75) calls the Eubceans χαταράτους (exsecran- 
dos) because they had refused to obey the warnings and 





; 


NOTES. 243 


counsels of the Athenians. This embassy was probably 
sent in Ol. 109.2. See WinrEwsk1, p. 171; Bruecx- 
NER, Konig Phil. p. 252. Compare supra, ᾧ 57. 

ἐφείσατο, sc. Philip. He has finely spared the Olynthians, 
etc. Lasthenes was the commander who betrayed the Olyn- 
thian cavalry into the hands of Philip. Compare supra, 
§ 56. See also WINIEWSKI . p. 67. 

§ 67. Mogi καὶ κακία, x. τ. Δ. Supply ἐστὶ, a very 
frequent ellipsis, concerning which cf. Bernuarpy, Gr. 
Syntarv, p. 330. Itis folly and cowardice to nourish such 
hopes, etc. This is to be understood in general-o& the 
flattering promises held out by the demagogues in Athens, 
and their assurances that no danger was to be apprehended. 

κακῶς βουλευομένους, SC. ὑμᾶς, adopting evil counsels and 
unwilling to do what duty requires. Wenn man Keine 
schicklichen Gegenstalten trift. JENiscH. AucGeER has 
αὐτοὺς after βουλευομένους, which is omitted in >, TY, and 
rejected by BEKKER. 

τηλικαύτην ἡγεῖσθαι πόλιν, κι τ. 2. The sense of the pas-. 
sage is, to imagine that they inhabit a city of such magni- 
tude that they cannot possibly suffer any calamity whatever. 
The subject of 1 is contained in ὁτιοῦν lit. whatever it might 
be. The part. ay possesses a strong potential force. Com- 
pare ViGcER. p. 481. . 

8 68. Καὶ μὴν κἀκεῖνό ye. Compare supra, § 30. 

ὕστερόν ποτ΄, i. e. when calamities have come. Concern- 
ing γὰρ in a question, see Phil. 1. αὶ 10, note. Wotr ren- 
ders: Quis enim putasset hec futura? Hercule vero: illud 
enim atque illud, faciendum fuerat, et hoc non faciendum. 

τὸ καὶ τὸ ποιῆσαι. Similarly Or. de Cor. § 243, εἰ τὸ χαὶ 
τὸ ἐποίησεν ἄνθρωπος οὑτοσί, οὐχ ἂν ἀπέθανεν. Marru. Gr. 
§ 285. | 
πόλλ᾽ ἂν Ὠρεῖται. Repeat the preceding verbs. εἰ... 
av. See Phil. 1. § 1: which if they had foreseen they 
would uot have perished. 

ᾧ 09. σώζηται, i. 6. σῶν ἢ. ScHAEFER. As lony as the 


244 PHIL CRPa Csrtit. 
Ν 


vessel is safe. The verb has precisely the sense of the adj. 
with the copula, as below, ἐσμὲν σῷοι. The singular of this 
adjective was not commonly used among the Attics. 

ἄν ts — ἄν τ΄. Compare supra, ᾧ 16. 

ναύτην, the sing. used indefinitely instead of ναύτας. 
πάντ᾽ ἄνδρα ἑξῆς, κι τ. 1., every man in turn should take the 
watch. 

ἀνατρέιννῃ, %. τ. λ., that no one whether intentionally or un- 
intentionally, upset it. Similarly Auscuines, 111. 158, 
γόμον ἔθεσθε, ἐάν τις αὐτῶν ἄχων ἐν TH πόρῳ πλοῖον ἀνατρέψῃ, 
τούτῳ μὴ ἐξεῖναι πάλιν πορθμεῖ γενέσθαι. 

ὑπέρσχῃ. understand τοῦ σχάφους. Render, But when the 
sea has overcome the ship, labor is vain, ᾿ὑπερέχω in this 
sense governs the genitive. 

8. 70. καὶ ἡμεῖς, and so we. Concerning χαί after a com- 
parison, see Phil. I. § 41, note. ; 

ἀξίωμα in this sense refers to the rank and consequence 
of Athens among the other states. The orator, instead of 
applying the simile of the ship to the administration of the 
government, which he feels confident that his quick-minded 
hearers have already done, suddenly interrupts himself with 
the question, τί ποιῶμεν; What can we do? as if it came 
from one of his audience. 

πάλαι τις, κ΄ τι Δ. Order of construction: towe τις κά- 
θηται (ὁ) πάλαι ἄν ἡδέως ἐρωτήσων. Doubtless many a one 
sits in the assembly who already would gladly ask. Wour 
renders: jamdudum aliquis in hoe consessu libenter fortasse 
interroget. Concerning the omission of the article with the 
participle when an indefinite person is spoken of, see 
Martu. Gr. Gr. ὃ 570. ἄν is to be constructed with the 
fut. part. as in Xen. Mem. 11. 2. 4. ὡς οὐκ ἄν μείξονος 
καχοῦ φύβῳ τὴν ἀδικίαν παύσοντες. F. A. Woxr (ad Lept. 
p. 344), observes that there is a close affinity between such 
a future and the subjunctive. — ἰσὼς is used ‘in the sense of 
doubtless, as it frequently is by the Attic writers, where the 
notion'of confidence prevails over that of mere possibility, 


=> 





NOTES. 245 


as is the case in this sentence. PEERLKAMPF ad XEN. 
Eru. p. 212. The same view seems to have been taken by 
Jacons: Gewiss hat schon mancher diese Frage gethan und 
erwartet thre Beantwortung. 

καὶ — δέ. These particles sérve to give prominence and 
force to the word with which they are connected: and 
write too. Compare Olynth. III. § 15, where Bremr in- 
terprets xai — δὲ, et quod magis est; also, Dem. Or. contr. 
Androt. § 33. 

χειροτονῆσετε. The authorities differ here in the same 
manner as in Phil. 1. § 30, the Cod. XS and others having 
the ind. fut., but others the imperat., which BEKKER re- 
tains. But the imperat. is clearly not suited to the context, 
for how could he order his hearers to vote when no propo- 
sition had yet been made? 

8. 71. παρεσχευασμένοι καὶ ποιήσαντες, perf. particip. 
joined with the aor., see supra, § 26. 

ἤδη, immediately. The orator demands that the prepara- 
tions shall be completed before the other states are invited 
to join them. Similarly Or. de Cherson. § 76, φημὶ dew 
— πρέσβεις ἐκπέμπειν πανταχοῖ τοὺς διδάξοντας νουθετἥσοντας 
πράξοντας. 

ἄν τι δέῃ, if need be, in case of GT EERCH. Compare 
Phil.-I. § 15. 

χρόνους γ᾽ ἐμποιῆτε. The expression χρόνους ἐμποιεῖν sig- 
fies to interpose a delay. Derm. Or. contr. Aristocr. ᾧ 93, 
οἱ δὲ γραψάμενοι καὶ χρόνους ἐμποιήσαντες. Wox¥ renders 
thus: sin minus, rem saltem differatis. 

72. Ἐπειδὴ γάρ ἐστι, sc. ἡμῖν. 

συνεστώσης. composed of many men. The idea is, that a 
war against a monarch who has no one’e will to consult but 
his own, is a different matter from one with a democratic 
state, in which the want of unanimity retards and weakens 
their operations. Or. de Corona, ᾧ 235, may be cited as 
explanatory of this passage.. Speaking there of the great 


adv antages which Philip (as autocrat) possessed in war, he 
22 


246 ᾿ς PHILIPPIC Ill). 


says the chief of them was this very unity of power. He 
could keep his army constantly in the field; he could adopt 
what measures he pleased, free from the delay of proposing 
decrees and making public speeches ; he was not liable to be 
called to account by any one, but was himself the sole mas- 
ter and director of all. 

ἰσχὺν. Repeat the preposition here. Gompare § 65: ~ 

πρεσβεῖαι, 86. ἄχρηστοι ἐγένοντο, nec superioris anni lega- 
tiones per Peloponnesum ille fuerunt irrite. Wour. The 
preposition περὶ is used in allusion to the variety of places 
which the embassy visited. χατηγορίαι, remonstrances, pro- 
tests, because those states favored the projects of Mace- 
-donia. The sense is well given by Tourrerz: Nous 
allaémes de ville en ville dans le Peloponnese y reveiller, y 
ranimer les peuples par nos plaintes et par nos remon- 
trances. ἃς refers to πρεσβεῖαι. The passage is suspected 
of being corrupt. Wu£INIEWSKI conjectures (Com. Hist. 
et Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 158) that ’Azagvariay should be 
read in place of καὶ κατηγορίαι. DRoxyseN suggests καὶ 
᾿Αμβρακίαν, and more recently Sauprex, κατ᾽ Ἤπειρον. 

ΠΙολύευχτος. Polyeuctus (Sphettius) belonged to the 
same political party as Demosthenes, though he appears 
to have opposed him in the affair of Midias (Cf. Or. contr. 
Mid. § 139). ' That, however, was but a private quarrel. 
éxewoot is here used to point him out as being present. 
** Sedebat enim homo in catu audientium. SCHAEFER. 

Ἡγήσιππος. Hegesippus, an orator of distinction and a 
zealous opponent of Macedonia, is frequently mentioned 
by Demosthenes, as in Or. de Fal. Leg. 8 72 et seqq. 
The Oration de Haloneso is generally ascribed to him by 
the critics. Cf. Linan. Argum. of that oration. BruEcK- 
NER (Konig Phil. p. 224) adduces many strong evidences 
for this opinion. Cf. Vormet, Progr. Frankf. 1830; | 
RveEvIGER de Canone Philip. Dem. § 13. 

περιήλθομεν. An uncommon use of the verb; the notion 
of the circuit made in travelling is transferred to the mission 


NOTES. 247 


itself: which we went through with, which we discharged. 
WotF renders it by obivimus. 

ἐποιήσαμεν ἐπισχεῖν. Wiuintewskt (Comm. Hist. et 
Chron. in Or. de Cor. p. 152 et seqq.) refers to Ol. 109, 2, 
near the middle, the embassy here mentioned into Pelopon- 
nesus, which Philip was prevented from passing through on 
his way to Ambracia. And he demonstrates very con- 
clusively, that it was not the same with that mentioned in 
Phil. 11. § 19, as Jacozs supposes. Compare Or. de Cor. 
§ 244, in which mention is made of the embassy to Am- 
bracia, where Demosthenes gained a victory over the depu- 
ties of Philip. This subject is handled by BruEcKNER, 
Konig Phil. pp. 225, 247. 

§ 73. Ov μέντοι λέγω, x. t.2. Ido not, however, say that 
you should invite the rest, tf you are not willing to do for 
yourselves what is necessary. Compare supra, § 67. 

εὔηθες, ef. § 47, note. The order of construction is: Kai 
γὰρ εὔηθες αὐτοὺς προεμένους τὰ οἰχεῖα φάσκειν κήδεσθαι τῶν 
ἀλλοτρίων. The expression κήδεσθαί τινος signifies, to be 
anxious for any one. 

φάσκειν, dictitare. Compare Phil. I. § 46, et supra, 
§ 8. 

τὰ παρόντα περιορῶντας, those who neglect the present. 
Compare ᾧ 29, note. φοβεῖν, to cause to fear, to terrify. 

τοῖς μὲν ἐν Χεῤῥονήσῳ, i. 6. the forces under Diopeithes. 
See supra, ὃ 15. On wiv — δὲ ---- δ᾽, cf. VicERr. p. 535. 

συγκαλεῖν συνάγειν διδάσχειν νουθετεῖν. ““ Συγκαλεῖν in 
universum est invitare: si invitatio nil effecerit, συνάγειν, 
quod fortius est, instantis et urgentis ; διδάσκειν, edocere de 
vera rerum conditione lisque que inde consecutura sint ; 
νουθετεῖν, edoctos oratione et momentorum gravitate ad fac- 
tum compellere.” Brent. 

ὑμῖν. Strict grammatical construction would require the 
adj., τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ: the delicate transition from the abstract 
notion of a city to that of persons in ὑμῖν was calculated to 
please his audience. Compare Or. de Cor. § 88, to δ᾽ ὑμεῖς 
ὅταν λέγω, τὴν πόλιν λέγω. 


248 BolLPPPPo rit. 


§ 74. ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἀποδράσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα, and that you 
will escape the burden of affairs. ὑμεῖς. The subject of 
the infinitive mode here, being identical with the subject of 
οἴεσθε, is put in the nominative. Xadudéac — Μεγαρέας. 
Chalcis was the most important city of Eubaea; Megara was 
also a flourishing commercial city, but the orator refers to 
them disparagingly, as places from which very little could 
be expected in the way of protection. 

"Ayartntov γάρ, ἂν, %. τ 1., ἐκείνοις sufficient for them if they 
protect themselves — preserve their own independence — 
τοῦτο τὸ γέρας this honorable office of protecting the inde- 
pendence of Greece. 

μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων. Similarly Olynth. III. § 36, 
τῆς τάξεως, ἣν ὑμῖν οἱ πρόγονοι τῆς ἀρετῆς μετὰ πολλῶν καὶ 
καλῶν κινδύνων χτησαμενοι κατέλιπον. The words μετὰ 
πολλῶν. ... κινδύνων are to be considered as connected with 
both verbs; q. d., the post of honor was always inseparable 
from danger. 

§ 75. καθεδεῖτα, fut. m. cf. καθέζομαι. The sense is, 
but if each shall sit idle, pursuing his own pleasure, etc. 

Some MSS. have Εἰ δ᾽ ἃ, which might easily have been 
changed foro; the vulg. has ποιήσῃ instead of the fut., 
which is supported by the best authority. 

οὐδὲ μή ποθ᾽ εὕρῃ. We have remarked before (Phil. 1. 8 
44), that ov μή with the second aor. subj. expresses the 
certainty of the indicative future. It is, hawever, a sub- 
jective certainty, so to speak; and in expressions of this 
nature, the speaker declares his conviction of the impossi- 
bility that such a thing could happen, as if he should say, I 
am certain that it cannot happen. In the passage we are 
at present considering, this negative certainty is extended 
to future time by the adv. ποθ᾽. The sentence may, there- 
᾿ς fore, be thus rendered: ‘ In the first place, he certainly will 
never find those who will perform his duties; secondly, I 
fear that we shall be compelled to do every thing at once 
which we do not wish [to do].’’ The Codex Dresdensis, 


NOTES. 249 


compared by RuEpDIGER, has the reading ov μή ποθ᾽ εὑρήσει, 
which though inadmissible, may yet serve to show how the 
words are to be understood. 

§ 76. δὴ is used in the repetition for the purpose of 
giving prominence to something before advanced. The 
orator here refers to the propositions made in § 73. 

ἂν with the inf. ἐπανορθωθῆναι expresses the result ; the 


condition being denoted by τούτων γιγνομένων, if these thiges 
are done. 


βέλτιον. BexKeER with the vulg. has τὶ before this word. 
It is not in Cod. X, and might very nebaeelly have been 
supplied by another hand. 

λεγέτω καὶ συμβουλευέτω, let him propose and advocate it. 
Compare Phil. 11. § 3. 

δόξει. So Bexxer and the other editors, but the Cod. 
= has δόξηι (i. 6. δόξῃν) ; either of which might be received 
in place of the vulg. δόξει. Ruepicer here translates, 
Quod vobis prohabitur, id ipsum sit utile. 


22* 


ΕΝ 


ΙΝ ΣΕ ἢ AE 
tae ears) 
hiya aes 


ἣν 




















RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 
TOme=p 202 Main Library 
OAN PERIOD 1 


HOME USE 










i 


ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 

1-month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405 

6-month loans may be recharged by bringing books to Circulation Desk 
Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date 


DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 

pec. cme. MAY 19 1861 

APR 23 198 
rec'd cifc. mar 2 

WAR 9 196. 

Amease MAR 0 8|1988 


~ 


ve 
oe 
LP 


UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELE* 
FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 11/78 BERKELEY, CA 94720 


Th τ 





Y 


sad r 


Ὁ U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES 


COO4L 


HDSBbLb 6 Ὁ 


LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY GF Ὁ 












LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 


O ΗΝ ᾿ 
5 ἜΑ 
HE UNIVERSITY GF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY OF THE ΠΗ; ITY OF C 





LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 





